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'''Race''' is a categorization of [[human]]s based on shared physical or social qualities into groups generally viewed as distinct within a given [[society]].{{refn|name=Barnshaw}} The term came into common usage during the 16th century, when it was used to refer to groups of various kinds, including those characterized by close [[kinship]] relations.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Roediger |first=David R. |title=Historical Foundations of Race |url=https://nmaahc.si.edu/learn/talking-about-race/topics/historical-foundations-race |website=Smithsonian}}</ref> By the 17th century, the term began to refer to physical ([[phenotypical]]) traits, and then later to [[Nationality|national]] affiliations. Modern [[science]] regards race as a [[social construct]], an [[Identity (social science)|identity]] which is assigned based on rules made by society.<ref name=":8">{{Cite book |url=https://nap.nationalacademies.org/read/26902/chapter/1 |title=Using Population Descriptors in Genetics and Genomics Research: A New Framework for an Evolving Field (Consensus Study Report) |publisher=[[National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine]] |date=2023 |doi=10.17226/26902 |pmid=36989389 |isbn=978-0-309-70065-8 |quote=In humans, race is a socially constructed designation, a misleading and harmful surrogate for population genetic differences, and has a long history of being incorrectly identified as the major genetic reason for phenotypic differences between groups.}}</ref><ref name="Malina2021">{{cite journal |last1=Amutah |first1=C. |last2=Greenidge |first2=K. |last3=Mante |first3=A. |last4=Munyikwa |first4=M. |last5=Surya |first5=S. L. |last6=Higginbotham |first6=E. |last7=Jones |first7=D. S. |last8=Lavizzo-Mourey |first8=R. |last9=Roberts |first9=D. |last10=Tsai |first10=J. |last11=Aysola |first11=J. |date=March 2021 |title=Misrepresenting Race — The Role of Medical Schools in Propagating Physician Bias |editor-last=Malina |editor-first=D. |journal=[[The New England Journal of Medicine]] |publisher=[[Massachusetts Medical Society]] |volume=384 |issue=9 |pages=872–878 |doi=10.1056/NEJMms2025768 |pmid=33406326 |issn=1533-4406 |s2cid=230820421 |doi-access=free}}</ref><ref name="Gannon2016">{{cite magazine |last=Gannon |first=Megan |title=Race Is a Social Construct, Scientists Argue |date=5 February 2016 |url=https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/race-is-a-social-construct-scientists-argue/ |url-status=live |magazine=[[Scientific American]]  |issn=0036-8733 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230214120609/https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/race-is-a-social-construct-scientists-argue/ |archive-date=14 February 2023 |access-date=1 March 2023}}</ref> While partly based on physical similarities within groups, race does not have an inherent physical or biological meaning.{{refn|name=Barnshaw}}{{refn|name=Britannica}}<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Yudell |first1=M. |last2=Roberts |first2=D. |last3=DeSalle |first3=R. |last4=Tishkoff |first4=S. |date=5 February 2016 |title=Taking race out of human genetics |journal=[[Science (journal)|Science]] |publisher=[[American Association for the Advancement of Science]] |volume=351 |issue=6273 |pages=564–565 |doi=10.1126/science.aac4951 |pmid=26912690 |bibcode=2016Sci...351..564Y |s2cid=206639306 |issn=0036-8075 |url=https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.aac4951}}</ref> The concept of race is foundational to [[racism]], the belief that humans can be divided based on the superiority of one race over another.

Social conceptions and groupings of races have varied over time, often involving [[Folk taxonomy|folk taxonomies]] that define essential types of individuals based on perceived traits.<ref name="montagu"/> Modern scientists consider such biological [[essentialism]] obsolete,{{sfnp|Sober|2000|pp=148–151}} and generally discourage racial explanations for collective differentiation in both physical and behavioral traits.<ref name="Lee, Mountain; et al. 2008"/><ref name="aaa"/><ref name="Keita2"/><ref>{{cite book |last=Harrison |first=Guy |title=Race and Reality |date=2010 |location=Amherst, New York |publisher=Prometheus Books |quote=Race is a poor empirical description of the patterns of difference that we encounter within our species. The billions of humans alive today simply do not fit into neat and tidy biological boxes called races. Science has proven this conclusively. The concept of race&nbsp;... is not scientific and goes against what is known about our ever-changing and complex biological diversity.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Roberts |first=Dorothy |title=Fatal Invention |date=2011 |publisher=The New Press |location=London / New York |quote=The genetic differences that exist among populations are characterized by gradual changes across geographic regions, not sharp, categorical distinctions. Groups of people across the globe have varying frequencies of polymorphic genes, which are genes with any of several differing nucleotide sequences. There is no such thing as a set of genes that belongs exclusively to one group and not to another. The clinal, gradually changing nature of geographic genetic difference is complicated further by the migration and mixing that human groups have engaged in since prehistory. Human beings do not fit the zoological definition of race. A mountain of evidence assembled by historians, anthropologists, and biologists proves that race is not and cannot be a natural division of human beings.}}</ref>

Even though there is a broad scientific agreement that essentialist and typological conceptions of race are untenable,<wbr /><ref>{{cite web |last=Fuentes |first=Agustín |date=9 April 2012 |title=Race Is Real, but not in the way Many People Think |url=http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/busting-myths-about-human-nature/201204/race-is-real-not-in-the-way-many-people-think |website=[[Psychology Today]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite AV media |url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VXfaXpUE2T8 |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/varchive/youtube/20211211/VXfaXpUE2T8 |archive-date=11 December 2021 |url-status=live|title=The Royal Institution - panel discussion - What Science Tells us about Race and Racism|date=16 March 2016}}{{cbignore}}</ref><ref name=":4">{{cite journal |title=Genetic variation, classification, and 'race' |date=2004 |journal=[[Nature (journal)|Nature]] |publisher=[[Nature Research]] |doi=10.1038/ng1435 |issn=1476-4687 |quote=Ancestry, then, is a more subtle and complex description of an individual's genetic makeup than is race. This is in part a consequence of the continual mixing and migration of human populations throughout history. Because of this complex and interwoven history, many loci must be examined to derive even an approximate portrayal of individual ancestry. |last1=Jorde |first1=Lynn B. |last2=Wooding |first2=Stephen P. |volume=36 |issue=11 Suppl |pages=S28–S33 |pmid=15508000 |s2cid=15251775 |doi-access=free}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |first=Michael |last=White |title=Why Your Race Isn't Genetic |url=https://psmag.com/environment/why-your-race-isnt-genetic-82475 |access-date=13 December 2014 |work=[[Pacific Standard]] |quote=[O]ngoing contacts, plus the fact that we were a small, genetically homogeneous species to begin with, has resulted in relatively close genetic relationships, despite our worldwide presence. The DNA differences between humans increase with geographical distance, but boundaries between populations are, as geneticists Kenneth Weiss and Jeffrey Long put it, "multilayered, porous, ephemeral, and difficult to identify". Pure, geographically separated ancestral populations are an abstraction: "There is no reason to think that there ever were isolated, homogeneous parental populations at any time in our human past."}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |first1=Katarzyna |last1=Bryc |first2=Eric Y. |last2=Durand |first3=Michael |last3=Macpherson |first4=David |last4=Reich |first5=Joanna L. |last5=Mountain |date=8 January 2015 |title=The Genetic Ancestry of African Americans, Latinos, and European Americans across the United States |url=http://www.cell.com/ajhg/pdf/S0002-9297(14)00476-5.pdf |url-status=live |journal=[[American Journal of Human Genetics]] |publisher=[[Cell Press]] on behalf of the [[American Society of Human Genetics]] |volume=96 |issue=1 |pages=37–53 |doi=10.1016/j.ajhg.2014.11.010 |issn=0002-9297 |pmc=4289685 |pmid=25529636 |s2cid=3889161 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220510161110/https://www.cell.com/ajhg/pdf/S0002-9297(14)00476-5.pdf |archive-date=10 May 2022 |access-date=1 June 2022 |quote=The relationship between self-reported identity and genetic African ancestry, as well as the low numbers of self-reported African Americans with minor levels of African ancestry, provide insight into the complexity of genetic and social consequences of racial categorization, assortative mating, and the impact of notions of "race" on patterns of mating and self-identity in the US. Our results provide empirical support that, over recent centuries, many individuals with partial African and Native American ancestry have "passed" into the white community, with multiple lines of evidence establishing African and Native American ancestry in self-reported European Americans.}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|first=Carl |last=Zimmer |title=White? Black? A Murky Distinction Grows Still Murkier |newspaper=[[The New York Times]] |date=24 December 2014 |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/25/science/23andme-genetic-ethnicity-study.html |access-date=24 December 2014 |quote=On average, the scientists found, people who identified as African-American had genes that were only 73.2 percent African. European genes accounted for 24 percent of their DNA, while 0.8 percent came from Native Americans. Latinos, on the other hand, had genes that were on average 65.1 percent European, 18 percent Native American, and 6.2 percent African. The researchers found that European-Americans had genomes that were on average 98.6 percent European, 0.19 percent African, and 0.18 percent Native American. These broad estimates masked wide variation among individuals.}}</ref> scientists around the world continue to conceptualize race in widely differing ways.<ref name="nih10" /> While some researchers continue to use the concept of race to make distinctions among fuzzy sets of traits or observable differences in behavior, others in the [[scientific community]] suggest that the idea of race is inherently naive<ref name="Lee, Mountain; et al. 2008"/> or simplistic.<ref name="Graves 2001"/> Still others argue that, among humans, race has no taxonomic significance because all living humans belong to the same [[Human subspecies|subspecies]], ''[[Homo sapiens sapiens]]''.<ref name="Keita2004"/><ref name="AAPA"/>

Since the second half of the 20th century, race has been associated with discredited theories of [[scientific racism]], and has become increasingly seen as a largely [[Pseudoscience|pseudoscientific]] system of classification. Although still used in general contexts, race has often been replaced by less ambiguous and/or [[Loaded language|loaded]] terms: ''[[populations]]'', ''[[people]](s)'', ''[[ethnic groups]]'', or ''[[communities]]'', depending on context.<ref name="Oxford Dict. race2">{{cite web|url=http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/race--2|title=Race<sup>2</sup> |work=Oxford Dictionaries|publisher=Oxford University Press|access-date=5 October 2012|quote='''1.''' Each of the major division of humankind, having distinct physical characteristics [example elided]. '''1.1.''' mass noun The fact or condition of belonging to a racial division or group; the qualities or characteristics associated with this. '''1.2.''' A group of people sharing the same culture, history, language, etc.; an ethnic group [example elided]. |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150906051022/http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/race |archive-date=6 September 2015 |url-status=dead}} Provides 8 definitions, from biological to literary; only the most pertinent have been quoted.</ref><ref name="Keita3"/> Its use in genetics was formally renounced by the U.S. [[National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine]] in 2023.<ref name=":7" />

== Defining race ==
Modern scholarship views racial categories as socially constructed, that is, race is not intrinsic to human beings but rather an [[Identity (social science)|identity]] created, often by socially dominant groups, to establish meaning in a social context. Different cultures define different racial groups, often focused on the largest groups of social relevance, and these definitions can change over time.
* In South Africa, the [[Population Registration Act, 1950]] recognized only White, Black, and [[Coloured]], with Indians added later.<ref name="Pillay2019">{{cite book |last=Pillay |first=Kathryn |title=The Palgrave Handbook of Ethnicity |chapter=Indian Identity in South Africa |date=2019 |pages=77–92|doi=10.1007/978-981-13-2898-5_9 |publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan]] |isbn=978-981-13-2897-8 |doi-access=free}}</ref>
* The government of Myanmar recognizes eight "[[List of ethnic groups in Myanmar|major national ethnic races]]".
* The Brazilian census classifies people into brancos (Whites), pardos (multiracial), pretos (Blacks), amarelos (Asians), and indigenous (see [[Race and ethnicity in Brazil]]), though many people use different terms to identify themselves.
* The [[United States Census Bureau]] proposed but then withdrew plans to add a new category to classify [[MENA|Middle Eastern and North African]] peoples in the [[2020 United States census|2020 U.S. census]], over a dispute over whether this classification should be considered a white ethnicity or a separate race.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.npr.org/2018/01/29/581541111/no-middle-eastern-or-north-african-category-on-2020-census-bureau-says |title=No Middle Eastern Or North African Category On 2020 Census, Bureau Says |newspaper=[[NPR]] |date=29 January 2018 |access-date=16 August 2019 |last=Wang |first=Hansi Lo}}</ref>
* Legal [[definitions of whiteness in the United States]] used before the [[civil rights movement]] were often challenged for specific groups.
* [[Historical race concepts]] have included a wide variety of schemes to divide local or worldwide populations into races and sub-races.

The establishment of racial boundaries often involves the subjugation of groups defined as racially inferior, as in the [[one-drop rule]] used in the 19th-century United States to exclude those with any amount of African ancestry from the dominant racial grouping, defined as "[[White people|white]]".<ref name="Barnshaw">{{cite book |last=Barnshaw |first=John |editor-last=Schaefer |editor-first=Richard T. |title=Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society |volume=1 |date=2008 |publisher=[[Sage Publications]] |isbn=978-1-45-226586-5 |pages=1091–1093 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YMUola6pDnkC&q=race+social+construction&pg=PT1217 |chapter=Race}}</ref> Such racial identities reflect the cultural attitudes of imperial powers dominant during the age of [[History of colonialism|European colonial expansion]].{{refn|name=Britannica}} This view rejects the notion that race is [[biologically]] defined.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Williams |first1=S. M. |last2=Templeton |first2=A. R. |date=2003 |title=Race and Genomics |journal=[[New England Journal of Medicine]] |volume=348 |issue=25 |pages=2581–2582 |doi=10.1056/nejm200306193482521 |pmid=12815151}}</ref>{{sfn|Templeton|2002|pp=31–56}}<ref>{{cite book |first=Steve |last=Olson |title=Mapping Human History: Discovering the Past Through Our Genes |location=Boston |publisher=[[Houghton Mifflin Harcourt]] |date=2002}}</ref>{{sfn|Templeton|2013}}

According to geneticist [[David Reich (geneticist)|David Reich]], "while race may be a social construct, differences in genetic ancestry that happen to correlate to many of today's racial constructs are real".<ref>{{cite news |last=Reich |first=David |title=How Genetics Is Changing Our Understanding of 'Race' |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/23/opinion/sunday/genetics-race.html |access-date=8 October 2019 |newspaper=[[The New York Times]] |date=23 March 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190908212845/https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/23/opinion/sunday/genetics-race.html |archive-date=8 September 2019 |quote=Groundbreaking advances in DNA sequencing technology have been made over the last two decades. These advances enable us to measure with exquisite accuracy what fraction of an individual's genetic ancestry traces back to, say, West Africa 500 years ago – before the mixing in the Americas of the West African and European gene pools that were almost completely isolated for the last 70,000 years. With the help of these tools, we are learning that while race may be a social construct, differences in genetic ancestry that happen to correlate to many of today's racial constructs are real. Recent genetic studies have demonstrated differences across populations not just in the genetic determinants of simple traits such as skin color, but also in more complex traits like bodily dimensions and susceptibility to diseases.}}</ref> In response to Reich, a group of 67 scientists from a broad range of disciplines wrote that his concept of race was "flawed" as "the ''meaning and significance'' of the groups is produced through social interventions".<ref>{{cite news |date=30 March 2018 |title=How Not To Talk About Race And Genetics |website=[[Buzzfeed News]] |url=https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/bfopinion/race-genetics-david-reich#.jqQ6X6057b |url-status=live |access-date=8 October 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190830074324/https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/bfopinion/race-genetics-david-reich |archive-date=30 August 2019 |quote=[The] robust body of scholarship recognizes the existence of geographically based genetic variation in our species, but shows that such variation is not consistent with biological definitions of race. Nor does that variation map precisely onto ever changing socially defined racial groups.}}</ref>

Although commonalities in physical traits such as facial features, skin color, and hair texture comprise part of the race concept, this linkage is a social distinction rather than an inherently biological one.{{refn|name=Barnshaw}} Other dimensions of racial groupings include shared history, traditions, and language. For instance, [[African-American English]] is a language spoken by many [[African Americans]], especially in areas of the United States where racial segregation exists. Furthermore, people often self-identify as members of a race for political reasons.{{refn|name=Barnshaw}}

When people define and talk about a particular conception of race, they create a [[social reality]] through which social categorization is achieved.{{sfn|Lee|1997}} In this sense, races are said to be social constructs.<ref name="Blank; Smaje">See:
* {{harvnb|Blank|Dabady|Citro|2004}}
* {{harvnb|Smaje|1997}}</ref> These constructs develop within various legal, economic, and [[sociopolitical]] contexts, and may be the effect, rather than the cause, of {{clarify span|major social situations.|date=February 2020}}<ref name="Lee; Nobles; Morgan">See:
* {{harvnb|Lee|1997}}
* {{harvnb|Nobles|2000}}
* {{harvnb|Morgan|1975}} as cited in {{harvnb|Lee|1997|page=407}}</ref> While race is understood to be a social construct by many, most scholars agree that race has real material effects in the lives of people through [[Institutionalization|institutionalized]] practices of preference and [[discrimination]].{{Citation needed|date=June 2022}}

Socioeconomic factors, in combination with early but enduring views of race, have led to considerable suffering within disadvantaged racial groups.<ref name="Morgan; Smedley; et al." /> [[Racial discrimination]] often coincides with racist mindsets, whereby the individuals and ideologies of one group come to perceive the members of an [[Ingroups and outgroups|outgroup]] as both racially defined and morally inferior.<ref name="Lee 1997, citing M&A" /> As a result, racial groups possessing relatively little power often find themselves excluded or oppressed, while [[Hegemony|hegemonic]] individuals and [[institution]]s are charged with holding racist attitudes.<ref name="sivanandan" /> Racism has led to many instances of tragedy, including [[slavery]] and [[genocide]].<ref name="owens" />

In some countries, [[Law enforcement agency|law enforcement]] uses race to [[Offender profiling|profile]] suspects. This use of racial categories is frequently criticized for perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation, and promoting stereotypes. Because in some societies racial groupings correspond closely with patterns of [[social stratification]], for [[social scientists]] studying social inequality, race can be a significant [[Dependent and independent variables|variable]]. As [[Sociology|sociological]] factors, racial categories may in part reflect [[Subjectivity|subjective]] attributions, [[Self-identity|self-identities]], and social institutions.<ref name="King 2007" /><ref name="schaefer" />

Scholars continue to debate the degrees to which racial categories are biologically warranted and socially constructed.<ref name="Brace; Gill; Lee" /> For example, in 2008, John Hartigan Jr. argued for a view of race that focused primarily on culture, but which does not ignore the potential relevance of biology or genetics.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Hartigan |first=John |title=Is Race Still Socially Constructed? The Recent Controversy over Race and Medical Genetics |journal=Science as Culture |date=June 2008 |volume=17 |issue=2 |pages=163–193 |doi=10.1080/09505430802062943 |s2cid=18451795 }}</ref> Accordingly, the racial [[paradigm]]s employed in different disciplines vary in their emphasis on [[Biological reductionism|biological reduction]] as contrasted with societal construction.

In the social sciences, theoretical frameworks such as [[racial formation theory]] and [[critical race theory]] investigate implications of race as social construction by exploring how the images, ideas and assumptions of race are expressed in everyday life. A large body of scholarship has traced the relationships between the historical, social production of race in legal and criminal language, and their effects on the policing and disproportionate incarceration of certain groups.

== Historical origins of racial classification ==
{{See also|Historical race concepts|Scientific racism}}

[[File:Meyers b11 s0476a.jpg|thumb|upright=1.35|The "three great races" according to ''[[Meyers Konversations-Lexikon]]'' of 1885–90.
The subtypes are:
{{blist|[[Mongoloid]] race, shown in [[yellow]] and [[Orange (color)|orange]] tones
|[[Caucasoid]] race, in light and medium [[gray]]ish [[Spring green (color)|spring green]]-[[cyan]] tones
|[[Negroid]] race, in [[brown]] tones
|[[Dravidians]] and [[Sinhalese people|Sinhalese]], in [[olive green]] and their classification is described as uncertain}}
The Mongoloid race sees the widest geographic distribution, including all of the [[Americas]], [[North Asia]], [[East Asia]], [[Southeast Asia]], and the entire inhabited [[Arctic]] as well as most of [[Central Asia]] and the [[Pacific Islands]].]]
Groups of humans have always identified themselves as distinct from neighboring groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural, immutable and global. These features are the distinguishing features of how the concept of race is used today. In this way the idea of race as we understand it today came about during the historical process of exploration and conquest which brought Europeans into contact with groups from different continents, and of the ideology of classification and typology found in the natural sciences.<ref name="Marks 2008" /> The term ''race'' was often used in a general [[Race (biology)|biological taxonomic sense]],<ref name="Oxford Dict. race2" /> starting from the 19th century, to denote [[Genetic divergence|genetically differentiated]] human [[population]]s defined by phenotype.<ref name="Lie; Thompson; et al." /><ref name="Keita1"/>

The modern concept of race emerged as a product of the colonial enterprises of European powers from the 16th to 18th centuries which identified race in terms of skin color and physical differences. Author Rebecca F. Kennedy argues that the Greeks and Romans would have found such concepts confusing in relation to their own systems of classification.<ref name="Kennedy Intro">{{cite book |last=Kennedy |first=Rebecca F. |title=Race and Ethnicity in the Classical world: An Anthology of Primary Sources in Translation |date=2013 |publisher=Hackett Publishing Company |isbn=9781603849944 |page=xiii |chapter=Introduction |quote=The ancients would not understand the social construct we call 'race' any more than they would understand the distinction modem scholars and social scientists generally draw between race and 'ethnicity.' The modern concept of race is a product of the colonial enterprises of European powers from the 16th to 18th centuries that identified race in terms of skin color and physical difference. In the post-Enlightenment world, a 'scientific,' biological idea of race suggested that human difference could be explained by biologically distinct groups of humans, evolved from separate origins, who could be distinguished by physical differences, predominantly skin color&nbsp;.... Such categorizations would have confused the ancient Greeks and Romans.}}</ref> According to Bancel et al., the epistemological moment where the modern concept of race was invented and rationalized lies somewhere between 1730 and 1790.<ref name="Invent Race Intro">{{cite book |editor-last1=Bancel |editor-first1=Nicolas |editor-last2=David |editor-first2=Thomas |editor-last3=Thomas |editor-first3=Dominic |title=The Invention of Race: Scientific and Popular Representations. |publisher=[[Routledge]] |isbn=9780367208646 |page=11 |chapter=Introduction: The Invention of Race: Scientific and Popular Representations of Race from Linnaeus to the Ethnic Shows |quote='The Invention of Race' has assisted us in the process of locating the 'epistemological moment,' somewhere between 1730 and 1790, when the concept of race was invented and rationalized. A "moment" that was accompanied by a revolution in the way in which the human body was studied and observed in order to formulate scientific conclusions relating to human variability. |date=23 May 2019}}</ref>

=== Colonialism ===
According to Smedley and Marks the European concept of "race", along with many of the ideas now associated with the term, arose at the time of the [[scientific revolution]], which introduced and privileged the study of [[natural kind]]s, and the age of [[European imperialism]] and [[colonization]] which established political relations between Europeans and peoples with distinct cultural and political [[traditions]].<ref name="Marks 2008" /><ref name="Smedley 1999" /> As Europeans encountered people from different parts of the [[world]], they speculated about the physical, social, and cultural differences among various human groups. The rise of the [[Atlantic slave trade]], which gradually displaced an earlier [[slave trade|trade in slaves]] from throughout the world, created a further [[incentive]] to categorize human groups in order to justify the subordination of African [[slave]]s.<ref name="meltzer" />

Drawing on sources from [[classical antiquity]] and upon their own internal interactions&nbsp;– for example, the hostility between the English and Irish powerfully influenced early European thinking about the differences between people<ref name="takaki" />&nbsp;– Europeans began to sort themselves and others into groups based on physical appearance, and to attribute to individuals belonging to these groups behaviors and capacities which were claimed to be deeply ingrained. A set of [[folk belief]]s took hold that linked inherited physical differences between groups to [[Race and intelligence|inherited intellectual]], [[behavioral]], and [[moral]] qualities.<ref name="banton" /> Similar ideas can be found in other cultures,<ref name="Lewis; Dikötter" /> for example in [[China]], where a concept often translated as "race" was associated with supposed common descent from the [[Yellow Emperor]], and used to stress the unity of ethnic groups in China. Brutal conflicts between ethnic groups have existed throughout history and across the world.<ref name="REGWG" />

=== Early taxonomic models ===
The first post-[[Graeco-Roman]] published classification of humans into distinct races seems to be [[François Bernier]]'s ''Nouvelle division de la terre par les différents espèces ou races qui l'habitent'' ("New division of Earth by the different species or races which inhabit it"), published in 1684.<ref name="todorov" /> In the 18th century the differences among human groups became a focus of scientific investigation. But the scientific classification of phenotypic variation was frequently coupled with racist ideas about innate predispositions of different groups, always attributing the most desirable features to the White, European race and arranging the other races along a continuum of progressively undesirable attributes. The 1735 classification of [[Carl Linnaeus]], inventor of zoological taxonomy, divided the human species ''[[Homo sapiens]]'' into continental varieties of ''europaeus'', ''asiaticus'', ''americanus'', and ''afer'', each associated with a different [[humorism|humour]]: [[sanguine]], [[Melancholia|melancholic]], [[choleric]], and [[phlegmatic]], respectively.<ref name="brace2" />{{sfn|Slotkin|1965|page=177}} ''Homo sapiens europaeus'' was described as active, acute, and adventurous, whereas ''Homo sapiens afer'' was said to be crafty, lazy, and careless.<ref name="Graves 2001 p. 39" />

The 1775 treatise "The Natural Varieties of Mankind", by [[Johann Friedrich Blumenbach]] proposed five major divisions: the [[Caucasoid race]], the [[Mongoloid race]], the Ethiopian race (later termed ''[[Negroid]]''), the [[Indigenous peoples of the Americas|American Indian race]], and the [[Malayan race]], but he did not propose any hierarchy among the races.<ref name="Graves 2001 p. 39" /> Blumenbach also noted the graded transition in appearances from one group to adjacent groups and suggested that "one variety of mankind does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark out the limits between them".<ref name="Marks 1995" />

From the 17th through 19th centuries, the merging of folk beliefs about group differences with scientific explanations of those differences produced what Smedley has called an "[[ideology]] of race".<ref name="Smedley 1999" /> According to this ideology, races are primordial, natural, enduring and distinct. It was further argued that some groups may be the result of mixture between formerly distinct populations, but that careful study could distinguish the ancestral races that had combined to produce admixed groups.<ref name="REGWG" /> Subsequent influential classifications by [[Georges Buffon]], [[Petrus Camper]] and [[Christoph Meiners]] all classified "Negros" as inferior to Europeans.<ref name="Graves 2001 p. 39" /> In the [[United States]] the racial theories of [[Thomas Jefferson]] were influential. He saw Africans as inferior to Whites especially in regards to their intellect, and imbued with unnatural sexual appetites, but described [[Indigenous peoples of the Americas|Native Americans]] as equals to whites.<ref name="Graves 2001 pp. 43–43" />

=== Polygenism vs monogenism ===
In the last two decades of the 18th century, the theory of [[polygenism]], the belief that different races had evolved separately in each continent and shared no common ancestor,<ref name="stocking" /> was advocated in England by historian [[Edward Long (colonial administrator)|Edward Long]] and anatomist [[Charles White (physician)|Charles White]], in [[Germany]] by ethnographers [[Christoph Meiners]] and [[Georg Forster]], and in [[France]] by [[Julien-Joseph Virey]]. In the US, [[Samuel George Morton]], [[Josiah Nott]] and [[Louis Agassiz]] promoted this theory in the mid-19th century. Polygenism was popular and most widespread in the 19th century, culminating in the founding of the [[Anthropological Society of London]] (1863), which, during the period of the American Civil War, broke away from the [[Ethnological Society of London]] and its [[monogenism|monogenic stance]], their underlined difference lying, relevantly, in the so-called "Negro question": a substantial racist view by the former,{{r|Hunt1863_3}} and a more liberal view on race by the latter.{{r|Desmond09_332}}

== {{anchor|Modern debate}} Modern scholarship ==
=== Models of human evolution ===
{{See also|Multiregional hypothesis|Recent single origin hypothesis}}

Today, all [[humans]] are classified as belonging to the species ''Homo sapiens''. However, this is not the first species of [[homininae]]: the first species of genus ''Homo'', ''[[Homo habilis]]'', evolved in East Africa at least 2 million years ago, and members of this species populated different parts of Africa in a relatively short time. ''[[Homo erectus]]'' evolved more than 1.8 million years ago, and by 1.5 million years ago had spread throughout Europe and Asia. Virtually all [[physical anthropologist]]s agree that ''[[Anatomically modern human|Archaic Homo sapiens]]'' (A group including the possible species ''[[Homo heidelbergensis|H. heidelbergensis]]'', ''H. rhodesiensis'', and ''H. neanderthalensis'') evolved out of African ''H. erectus'' ({{lang|la|[[sensu lato]]}}) or ''[[Homo ergaster|H. ergaster]]''.<ref>{{cite book |first1=Camilo J. |last1=Cela-Conde |author-link1=Camilo Jose Cela Conde |first2=Francisco J. |last2=Ayala |author-link2=Francisco J. Ayala |date=2007 |title=Human Evolution Trails from the Past |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |page=195}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Lewin |first=Roger |author-link=Roger Lewin |date=2005 |title=Human Evolution an illustrated introduction |edition=Fifth |page=159 |publisher=[[Blackwell Publishing]]}}</ref> Anthropologists support the idea that [[anatomically modern humans]] (''Homo sapiens'') evolved in North or East Africa from an [[archaic human]] species such as ''H. heidelbergensis'' and then migrated out of Africa, mixing with and replacing ''H. heidelbergensis'' and ''H. neanderthalensis'' populations throughout Europe and Asia, and ''H. rhodesiensis'' populations in Sub-Saharan Africa (a combination of the [[Recent African origin of modern humans|Out of Africa]] and [[Multiregional origin of modern humans|Multiregional]] models).<ref name="StringerSurvivors">{{cite book |first=Chris |last=Stringer |author-link=Chris Stringer |title=Lone Survivors: How We Came to Be the Only Humans on Earth |date=2012 |location=London |publisher=Times Books |isbn=9780805088915 |url-access=registration |url=https://archive.org/details/lonesurvivorshow0000stri}}</ref>{{verify source|date=January 2013}}

=== Biological classification ===
{{further|Race (biology)|Species|Subspecies|Systematics|Phylogenetics|Cladistics}}
In the early 20th century, many [[Anthropology|anthropologists]] taught that race was an entirely biological phenomenon and that this was core to a person's behavior and identity, a position commonly called [[racial essentialism]].<ref name="cravens" /> This, coupled with a belief that [[linguistics|linguistic]], cultural, and social groups fundamentally existed along racial lines, formed the basis of what is now called [[scientific racism]].<ref name="currell" /> After the [[Nazi eugenics]] program, along with the rise of anti-colonial movements, racial essentialism lost widespread popularity.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Hirschman |first=Charles |date=2004 |title=The Origins and Demise of the Concept of Race |journal=Population and Development Review |volume=30 |issue=3 |pages=385–415 |doi=10.1111/j.1728-4457.2004.00021.x |s2cid=145485765 |issn=1728-4457}}</ref> New studies of [[culture]] and the fledgling field of [[population genetics]] undermined the scientific standing of racial essentialism, leading race anthropologists to revise their conclusions about the sources of phenotypic variation.<ref name="cravens" /> A significant number of modern anthropologists and [[biologist]]s in the West came to view race as an invalid genetic or biological designation.<ref name="Cravens; Angier; et al." />

The first to challenge the concept of race on empirical grounds were the [[anthropology|anthropologists]] [[Franz Boas]], who provided evidence of phenotypic plasticity due to environmental factors,<ref name="Smedley; Boas" /> and [[Ashley Montagu]], who relied on evidence from genetics.<ref name="Marks; Montagu" /> [[E. O. Wilson]] then challenged the concept from the perspective of general animal systematics, and further rejected the claim that "races" were equivalent to "subspecies".<ref name="wilson" />

[[Human genetic variation]] is predominantly within races, continuous, and complex in structure, which is inconsistent with the concept of genetic human races.<ref name=goodman>{{cite journal |last=Goodman |first=A. H. |date=November 2000 |title=Why genes don't count (for racial differences in health) |journal=[[American Journal of Public Health]] |volume=90 |issue=11 |pages=1699–1702 |issn=0090-0036 |pmc=1446406 |pmid=11076233 |doi=10.2105/ajph.90.11.1699}}</ref> According to the biological anthropologist [[Jonathan M. Marks|Jonathan Marks]],<ref name="Marks 2008" />

{{blockquote|By the 1970s, it had become clear that (1) most human differences were cultural; (2) what was not cultural was principally polymorphic&nbsp;– that is to say, found in diverse groups of people at different frequencies; (3) what was not cultural or polymorphic was principally clinal&nbsp;– that is to say, gradually variable over geography; and (4) what was left&nbsp;– the component of human diversity that was not cultural, polymorphic, or clinal&nbsp;– was very small.

A consensus consequently developed among anthropologists and geneticists that race as the previous generation had known it&nbsp;– as largely discrete, geographically distinct, gene pools&nbsp;– did not exist.
}}

==== Subspecies ====
[[Race (biology)|The term ''race'' in biology]] is used with caution because it can be ambiguous. Generally, when it is used it is effectively a synonym of ''[[subspecies]]''.<ref name="Keita; Templeton; Long" /> (For animals, the only taxonomic unit below the [[species]] level is usually the subspecies;<ref name="conservation" /> there are narrower [[Infraspecific name|infraspecific ranks in botany]], and ''race'' does not correspond directly with any of them.) Traditionally, [[subspecies]] are seen as geographically isolated and genetically differentiated populations.<ref name="Templeton 1998" /> Studies of human genetic variation show that human populations are not geographically isolated.<ref>{{harvnb|Templeton|1998}} "Genetic surveys and the analyses of DNA haplotype trees show that human 'races' are not distinct lineages, and that this is not due to recent admixture; human 'races' are not and never were 'pure'."</ref> and their genetic differences are far smaller than those among comparable subspecies.<ref>{{cite book |last=Relethford |first=John H. |author-link=John Relethford |editor-first=Naomi |editor-last=Zack |editor-link=Naomi Zack |date=23 February 2017 |chapter=Biological Anthropology, Population Genetics, and Race |title=The Oxford Handbook of Philosophy and Race |doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190236953.013.20 |isbn=978-0-19-023695-3 |quote=Human populations do not exhibit the levels of geographic isolation or genetic divergence to fit the subspecies model of race.}}</ref>

In 1978, [[Sewall Wright]] suggested that human populations that have long inhabited separated parts of the world should, in general, be considered different subspecies by the criterion that most individuals of such populations can be allocated correctly by inspection. Wright argued: "It does not require a trained anthropologist to classify an array of Englishmen, West Africans, and Chinese with 100% accuracy by features, skin color, and type of hair despite so much variability within each of these groups that every individual can easily be distinguished from every other."<ref name="Wright 1978" /> While in practice subspecies are often defined by easily observable physical appearance, there is not necessarily any evolutionary significance to these observed differences, so this form of classification has become less acceptable to evolutionary biologists.<ref name="Keita; Templeton" /> Likewise this [[Typology (anthropology)|typological]] approach to race is generally regarded as discredited by biologists and anthropologists.<ref name=":5" /><ref name=":4" />

==== Ancestrally differentiated populations (clades) ====
In 2000, philosopher Robin Andreasen proposed that [[cladistics]] might be used to categorize human races biologically, and that races can be both biologically real and socially constructed.<ref name="Andreasen 2000" /> Andreasen cited tree diagrams of relative [[genetic distance]]s among populations published by [[Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza|Luigi Cavalli-Sforza]] as the basis for a phylogenetic tree of human races (p.&nbsp;661). Biological anthropologist [[Jonathan M. Marks|Jonathan Marks]] (2008) responded by arguing that Andreasen had misinterpreted the genetic literature: "These trees are phenetic (based on similarity), rather than cladistic (based on [[Monophyly|monophyletic]] descent, that is from a series of unique ancestors)."{{sfn|Marks|2008|p=28–29}} Evolutionary biologist [[Alan Templeton]] (2013) argued that multiple lines of evidence falsify the idea of a phylogenetic tree structure to human genetic diversity, and confirm the presence of gene flow among populations.{{sfn|Templeton|2013}} Marks, Templeton, and Cavalli-Sforza all conclude that genetics does not provide evidence of human races.{{sfn|Templeton|2013}}{{sfn|Marks|2008}}

Previously, anthropologists Lieberman and Jackson (1995) had also critiqued the use of cladistics to support concepts of race. They argued that "the molecular and biochemical proponents of this model explicitly use racial categories ''in their initial grouping of samples''". For example, the large and highly diverse macroethnic groups of East Indians, North Africans, and Europeans are presumptively grouped as Caucasians prior to the analysis of their DNA variation. They argued that this ''a priori'' grouping limits and skews interpretations, obscures other lineage relationships, deemphasizes the impact of more immediate clinal environmental factors on genomic diversity, and can cloud our understanding of the true patterns of affinity.<ref name="Lieberman 1995" />

In 2015, Keith Hunley, Graciela Cabana, and Jeffrey Long analyzed the [[Human Genome Diversity Project]] sample of 1,037 individuals in 52 populations,<ref name=":12">{{cite journal |last1=Hunley |first1=Keith L. |last2=Cabana |first2=Graciela S. |last3=Long |first3=Jeffrey C. |author-link3=Jeffrey C. Long |date=1 December 2015 |title=The apportionment of human diversity revisited |journal=[[American Journal of Physical Anthropology]] |volume=160 |issue=4 |pages=561–569 |doi=10.1002/ajpa.22899 |issn=1096-8644 |pmid=26619959|doi-access=free}}</ref> finding that diversity among non-African populations is the result of a serial founder effect process, with non-African populations as a whole nested among African populations, that "some African populations are equally related to other African populations and to non-African populations", and that "outside of Africa, regional groupings of populations are nested inside one another, and many of them are not monophyletic".<ref name=":12" /> Earlier research had also suggested that there has always been considerable gene flow between human populations, meaning that human population groups are not monophyletic.<ref name="Templeton 1998" /> Rachel Caspari has argued that, since no groups currently regarded as races are monophyletic, by definition none of these groups can be clades.{{sfn|Caspari|2003}}

==== Clines ====
One crucial innovation in reconceptualizing genotypic and phenotypic variation was the anthropologist [[C. Loring Brace]]'s observation that such variations, insofar as they are affected by [[natural selection]], slow migration, or [[genetic drift]], are distributed along geographic gradations or [[Cline (biology)|clines]].{{sfn|Brace|Montagu|1965|p={{page needed|date=October 2021}}}} For example, with respect to skin color in Europe and Africa, Brace writes:{{sfn|Brace|2000|p=301}}
{{blockquote|To this day, skin color grades by imperceptible means from Europe southward around the eastern end of the Mediterranean and up the Nile into Africa. From one end of this range to the other, there is no hint of a skin color boundary, and yet the spectrum runs from the lightest in the world at the northern edge to as dark as it is possible for humans to be at the equator.}}
In part, this is due to [[isolation by distance]]. This point called attention to a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races (for example, those based on hair texture and skin color): they ignore a host of other similarities and differences (for example, blood type) that do not correlate highly with the markers for race. Thus, anthropologist Frank Livingstone's conclusion was that, since clines cross racial boundaries, "there are no races, only clines".<ref name="Livingstone" />

In a response to Livingstone, [[Theodore Dobzhansky]] argued that when talking about race one must be attentive to how the term is being used: "I agree with Dr. Livingstone that if races have to be 'discrete units', then there are no races, and if 'race' is used as an 'explanation' of the human variability, rather than vice versa, then the explanation is invalid." He further argued that one could use the term race if one distinguished between "race differences" and "the race concept". The former refers to any distinction in gene frequencies between populations; the latter is "a matter of judgment". He further observed that even when there is clinal variation: "Race differences are objectively ascertainable biological phenomena&nbsp;... but it does not follow that racially distinct populations must be given racial (or subspecific) labels."<ref name="Livingstone" /> In short, Livingstone and Dobzhansky agree that there are genetic differences among human beings; they also agree that the use of the race concept to classify people, and how the race concept is used, is a matter of social convention. They differ on whether the race concept remains a meaningful and useful social convention.

{{Multiple image
| align =
| direction = vertical
| width = 280
| image1 = Unlabeled Renatto Luschan Skin color map.png
| caption1 =
| image2 = Map of blood group b.gif
| caption2 = Skin color (above) and blood type B (below) are nonconcordant traits since their geographical distribution is not similar.
}}

In 1964, the biologists Paul Ehrlich and Holm pointed out cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly&nbsp;– for example, melanin is distributed in a decreasing pattern from the equator north and south; frequencies for the haplotype for [[HBB#Sickle cell disease|beta-S hemoglobin]], on the other hand, radiate out of specific geographical points in Africa.<ref name="ehrlich" /> As the anthropologists Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson observed, "Discordant patterns of heterogeneity falsify any description of a population as if it were genotypically or even phenotypically homogeneous".<ref name="Lieberman 1995" />

Patterns such as those seen in human physical and genetic variation as described above, have led to the consequence that the number and geographic location of any described races is highly dependent on the importance attributed to, and quantity of, the traits considered. A skin-lightening mutation, estimated to have occurred 20,000 to 50,000 years ago, partially accounts for the appearance of light skin in people who migrated out of Africa northward into what is now Europe. East Asians owe their relatively light skin to different mutations.<ref name="weiss" /> On the other hand, the greater the number of traits (or [[allele]]s) considered, the more subdivisions of humanity are detected, since traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to the same geographical location. Or as {{harvtxt|Ossorio|Duster|2005}} put it:{{blockquote|1=Anthropologists long ago discovered that humans' physical traits vary gradually, with groups that are close geographic neighbors being more similar than groups that are geographically separated. This pattern of variation, known as clinal variation, is also observed for many alleles that vary from one human group to another. Another observation is that traits or alleles that vary from one group to another do not vary at the same rate. This pattern is referred to as nonconcordant variation. Because the variation of physical traits is clinal and nonconcordant, anthropologists of the late 19th and early 20th centuries discovered that the more traits and the more human groups they measured, the fewer discrete differences they observed among races and the more categories they had to create to classify human beings. The number of races observed expanded to the 1930s and 1950s, and eventually anthropologists concluded that there were no discrete races.<ref name="Marks 2002" /> Twentieth and 21st century biomedical researchers have discovered this same feature when evaluating human variation at the level of alleles and allele frequencies. Nature has not created four or five distinct, nonoverlapping genetic groups of people.}}

==== Genetically differentiated populations ====
{{main|Race and genetics|Human genetic variation}}
Another way to look at differences between populations is to measure genetic differences rather than physical differences between groups. The mid-20th-century anthropologist [[William C. Boyd]] defined race as: "A population which differs significantly from other populations in regard to the frequency of one or more of the genes it possesses. It is an arbitrary matter which, and how many, gene loci we choose to consider as a significant 'constellation'".<ref name="boyd" /> Leonard Lieberman and Rodney Kirk have pointed out that "the paramount weakness of this statement is that if one gene can distinguish races then the number of races is as numerous as the number of human couples reproducing".<ref name="lieberman" /> Moreover, the anthropologist Stephen Molnar has suggested that the discordance of clines inevitably results in a multiplication of races that renders the concept itself useless.<ref name="molnar" /> The [[Human Genome Project]] states "People who have lived in the same geographic region for many generations may have some alleles in common, but no allele will be found in all members of one population and in no members of any other."<ref name="project" /> [[Massimo Pigliucci]] and Jonathan Kaplan argue that human races do exist, and that they correspond to the genetic classification of [[ecotype]]s, but that real human races do not correspond very much, if at all, to folk racial categories.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Pigliucci |first1=Massimo |last2=Kaplan |first2=Jonathan |title=On the Concept of Biological Race and Its Applicability to Humans |journal=Philosophy of Science |date=December 2003 |volume=70 |issue=5 |pages=1161–1172 |doi=10.1086/377397 |s2cid=44750046 |url=http://philsci-archive.pitt.edu/1078/1/Kaplan-RaceFinalVersionPSA.doc}}</ref> In contrast, Walsh & Yun reviewed the literature in 2011 and reported: "Genetic studies using very few chromosomal loci find that genetic polymorphisms divide human populations into clusters with almost 100 percent accuracy and that they correspond to the traditional anthropological categories."<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Walsh |first1=Anthony |last2=Yun |first2=Ilhong |title=Race and Criminology in the Age of Genomic Science |journal=[[Social Science Quarterly]] |date=October 2011 |volume=92 |issue=5 |pages=1279–1296 |doi=10.1111/j.1540-6237.2011.00818.x}}</ref>

Some biologists argue that racial categories correlate with biological traits (e.g. [[phenotype]]), and that certain genetic markers have varying frequencies among human populations, some of which correspond more or less to traditional racial groupings.{{sfn|Bamshad|Wooding|Salisbury|Stephens|2004}}

===== Distribution of genetic variation =====
The distribution of genetic variants within and among human populations are impossible to describe succinctly because of the difficulty of defining a population, the clinal nature of variation, and heterogeneity across the genome (Long and Kittles 2003). In general, however, an average of 85% of statistical genetic variation exists within local populations, ≈7% is between local populations within the same continent, and ≈8% of variation occurs between large groups living on different continents.{{sfn|Lewontin|1972}}<ref>{{cite book |last1=Jorde |first1=Lynn B. |last2=Carey |first2=John C. |last3=Bamshad |first3=Michael J. |last4=White |first4=Raymond L. |date=2000 |title=Medical Genetics |edition=2nd |publisher=[[Mosby (imprint)|Mosby]] |isbn=9780815146087}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}}</ref> The [[recent African origin]] theory for humans would predict that in Africa there exists a great deal more diversity than elsewhere and that diversity should decrease the further from Africa a population is sampled. Hence, the 85% average figure is misleading: Long and Kittles find that rather than 85% of human genetic diversity existing in all human populations, about 100% of human diversity exists in a single African population, whereas only about 60% of human genetic diversity exists in the least diverse population they analyzed (the Surui, a population derived from New Guinea).{{sfn|Long|2009|p=802}} Statistical analysis that takes this difference into account confirms previous findings that "Western-based racial classifications have no taxonomic significance".<ref name=":12"/>

===== Cluster analysis =====
A 2002 study of random biallelic genetic loci found little to no evidence that humans were divided into distinct biological groups.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Romualdi |first1=Chiara |last2=Balding |first2=David |author-link2=David Balding |last3=Nasidze |first3=Ivane S. |last4=Risch |first4=Gregory |last5=Robichaux |first5=Myles |last6=Sherry |first6=Stephen T. |last7=Stoneking |first7=Mark |author-link7=Mark Stoneking |last8=Batzer |first8=Mark A. |author-link8=Mark Batzer |last9=Barbujani |first9=Guido |author-link9=Guido Barbujani |date=April 2002 |title=Patterns of human diversity, within and among continents, inferred from biallelic DNA polymorphisms |journal=Genome Research |volume=12 |issue=4 |pages=602–612 |doi=10.1101/gr.214902 |issn=1088-9051 |pmid=11932244 |pmc=187513}}</ref>

In his 2003 paper, "[[Human Genetic Diversity: Lewontin's Fallacy]]", [[A. W. F. Edwards]] argued that rather than using a locus-by-locus analysis of variation to derive taxonomy, it is possible to construct a human classification system based on characteristic genetic patterns, or ''clusters'' [[Race and genetics#Structure|inferred from multilocus genetic data]].<ref name="edwards" /><ref name="Dawkins & Wong"/> Geographically based human studies since have shown that such genetic clusters can be derived from analyzing of a large number of loci which can assort individuals sampled into groups analogous to traditional continental racial groups.<ref name="Harpending; et al." />{{sfn|Tang|Quertermous|Rodriguez|Kardia|2005}} Joanna Mountain and [[Neil Risch]] cautioned that while genetic clusters may one day be shown to correspond to phenotypic variations between groups, such assumptions were premature as the relationship between genes and [[complex traits]] remains poorly understood.<ref name="mountain" /> However, Risch denied such limitations render the analysis useless: "Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out?&nbsp;... Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility."<ref name="gitschier" />

Early human genetic cluster analysis studies were conducted with samples taken from ancestral population groups living at extreme geographic distances from each other. It was thought that such large geographic distances would maximize the genetic variation between the groups sampled in the analysis, and thus maximize the probability of finding cluster patterns unique to each group. In light of the historically recent acceleration of human migration (and correspondingly, human gene flow) on a global scale, further studies were conducted to judge the degree to which genetic cluster analysis can pattern ancestrally identified groups as well as geographically separated groups. One such study looked at a large multiethnic population in the United States, and "detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity&nbsp;– as opposed to current residence&nbsp;– is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population."{{sfn|Tang|Quertermous|Rodriguez|Kardia|2005}}

{{harvtxt|Witherspoon|Wooding|Rogers|Marchani|2007}} have argued that even when individuals can be reliably assigned to specific population groups, it may still be possible for two randomly chosen individuals from different populations/clusters to be more similar to each other than to a randomly chosen member of their own cluster. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used in order for the answer to the question "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "never". This assumed three population groups separated by large geographic ranges (European, African and East Asian). The entire world population is much more complex and studying an increasing number of groups would require an increasing number of markers for the same answer. The authors conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes".<ref name="Witherspoon, et al. 2007" /> Witherspoon, et al. concluded: "The fact that, given enough genetic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their populations of origin is compatible with the observation that most human genetic variation is found within populations, not between them. It is also compatible with our finding that, even when the most distinct populations are considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are frequently more similar to members of other populations than to members of their own population."<ref name="Witherspoon, et al. 2007" />

Anthropologists such as [[C. Loring Brace]],<ref name="Brace 2005" /> the philosophers Jonathan Kaplan and Rasmus Winther,<ref name="encyclopedia" /><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Kaplan |first1=Jonathan Michael |last2=Winther |first2=Rasmus Grønfeldt |date=2014 |title=Realism, Antirealism, and Conventionalism About Race |url=https://philpapers.org/rec/KAPRAA |journal=[[Philosophy of Science (journal)|Philosophy of Science]] |volume=81 |issue=5 |pages=1039–1052 |doi=10.1086/678314 |s2cid=55148854}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last=Winther |first=Rasmus Grønfeldt |date=2015 |title=The Genetic Reification of 'Race'?: A Story of Two Mathematical Methods |url=http://philpapers.org/archive/WINTGR.pdf |journal=[[Critical Philosophy of Race]] |volume=2 |issue=2 |pages=204–223}}</ref>{{sfnp|Kaplan|Winther|2013}} and the geneticist [[Joseph L. Graves|Joseph Graves]],<ref>{{Cite web |last=Graves |first=Joseph |date=7 June 2006 |title=What We Know and What We Don't Know: Human Genetic Variation and the Social Construction of Race |url=http://raceandgenomics.ssrc.org/Graves/ |website=Race and Genomics}}</ref> have argued that the cluster structure of genetic data is dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the influence of these hypotheses on the choice of populations to sample. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental, but if one had chosen other sampling patterns, the clustering would be different. Weiss and Fullerton have noted that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form and all other populations could be described as being clinally composed of admixtures of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan genetic materials.<ref name="evolutionary" /> Kaplan and Winther therefore argue that, seen in this way, both Lewontin and Edwards are right in their arguments. They conclude that while racial groups are characterized by different allele frequencies, this does not mean that racial classification is a natural taxonomy of the human species, because multiple other genetic patterns can be found in human populations that crosscut racial distinctions. Moreover, the genomic data underdetermines whether one [[Lumpers and splitters|wishes to see subdivisions (i.e., splitters) or a continuum (i.e., lumpers)]]. Under Kaplan and Winther's view, racial groupings are objective social constructions (see Mills 1998<ref>{{cite book |last=Mills |first=C. W. |author-link=C. Wright Mills |date=1988 |chapter=But What Are You Really? The Metaphysics of Race |title=Blackness visible: essays on philosophy and race |pages=41–66 |publisher=[[Cornell University Press]] |location=Ithaca, New York}}</ref>) that have conventional biological reality only insofar as the categories are chosen and constructed for pragmatic scientific reasons. In earlier work, Winther had identified "diversity partitioning" and "clustering analysis" as two separate methodologies, with distinct questions, assumptions, and protocols. Each is also associated with opposing ontological consequences vis-a-vis the metaphysics of race.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://philpapers.org/archive/WINTGR.pdf |title=The Genetic Reification of "Race"? A story of two mathematical methods |access-date=15 January 2020}}</ref> Philosopher Lisa Gannett has argued that biogeographical ancestry, a concept devised by [[Mark D. Shriver|Mark Shriver]] and [[Tony Frudakis]], is not an objective measure of the biological aspects of race as Shriver and Frudakis claim it is. She argues that it is actually just a "local category shaped by the U.S. context of its production, especially the forensic aim of being able to predict the race or ethnicity of an unknown suspect based on DNA found at the crime scene".<ref>{{cite journal |last=Gannett |first=Lisa |title=Biogeographical ancestry and race |journal=Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences |date=September 2014 |volume=47 |pages=173–184 |doi=10.1016/j.shpsc.2014.05.017 |pmid=24989973}}</ref>

===== Clines and clusters in genetic variation =====
Recent studies of human genetic clustering have included a debate over how genetic variation is organized, with clusters and clines as the main possible orderings. {{harvtxt|Serre|Pääbo|2004}} argued for smooth, clinal genetic variation in ancestral populations even in regions previously considered racially homogeneous, with the apparent gaps turning out to be artifacts of sampling techniques. {{harvtxt|Rosenberg|Mahajan|Ramachandran|Zhao|2005}} disputed this and offered an analysis of the Human Genetic Diversity Panel showing that there were small discontinuities in the smooth genetic variation for ancestral populations at the location of geographic barriers such as the [[Sahara]], the Oceans, and the [[Himalayas]]. Nonetheless, {{harvtxt|Rosenberg|Mahajan|Ramachandran|Zhao|2005}} stated that their findings "should not be taken as evidence of our support of any particular concept of biological race&nbsp;... Genetic differences among human populations derive mainly from gradations in allele frequencies rather than from distinctive 'diagnostic' genotypes." Using a sample of 40 populations distributed roughly evenly across the Earth's land surface, {{harvtxt|Xing|et al.|2010|p=208}} found that "genetic diversity is distributed in a more clinal pattern when more geographically intermediate populations are sampled".

[[Guido Barbujani]] has written that human genetic variation is generally distributed continuously in gradients across much of Earth, and that there is no evidence that genetic boundaries between human populations exist as would be necessary for human races to exist.{{sfn|Barbujani|2005}}

Over time, human genetic variation has formed a nested structure that is inconsistent with the concept of races that have evolved independently of one another.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Hunley |first1=Keith L. |last2=Healy |first2=Meghan E. |last3=Long |first3=Jeffrey C. |author-link3=Jeffrey C. Long |date=18 February 2009 |title=The global pattern of gene identity variation reveals a history of long-range migrations, bottlenecks, and local mate exchange: Implications for biological race |journal=[[American Journal of Physical Anthropology]] |volume=139 |issue=1 |pages=35–46 |doi=10.1002/ajpa.20932 |pmid=19226641 |hdl=2027.42/62159 |hdl-access=free |url=https://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/62159/1/20932_ftp.pdf}}</ref>

=== Social constructions ===
{{Main|Race and society|}}

As anthropologists and other evolutionary scientists have shifted away from the language of race to the term ''population'' to talk about genetic differences, [[History|historians]], [[cultural anthropology|cultural anthropologists]] and other [[social sciences|social scientists]] re-conceptualized the term "race" as a cultural category or [[Identity (social science)|identity]], i.e., a way among many possible ways in which a society chooses to divide its members into categories.

Many social scientists have replaced the word race with the word "[[Ethnic group#Ethnicity and race|ethnicity]]" to refer to self-identifying groups based on beliefs concerning shared culture, ancestry and history. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with "race", following the [[Second World War]], evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination, [[apartheid]], slavery, and genocide. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the [[civil rights movement]] in the United States and the emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to believe that race itself is a social construct, a concept that was believed to correspond to an objective reality but which was believed in because of its social functions.<ref name="Gordon 1964" />

Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping of the human genome in 2000. Upon examining the data from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although the genetic variation within the human species is on the order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%), the types of variations do not support notion of genetically defined races. Venter said, "Race is a social concept. It's not a scientific one. There are no bright lines (that would stand out), if we could compare all the sequenced genomes of everyone on the planet.&nbsp;... When we try to apply science to try to sort out these social differences, it all falls apart."<ref name="FORA.tv 2008" />

Anthropologist Stephan Palmié has argued that race "is not a thing but a social relation";{{sfn|Palmié|2007}} or, in the words of [[Katya Gibel Mevorach]], "a metonym", "a human invention whose criteria for differentiation are neither universal nor fixed but have always been used to manage difference".{{sfn|Mevorach|2007}} As such, the use of the term "race" itself must be analyzed. Moreover, they argue that biology will not explain why or how people use the idea of race; only history and social relationships will.

[[Imani Perry]] has argued that race "is produced by social arrangements and political decision making",<ref>{{cite book |first=Imani |last=Perry |author-link=Imani Perry |title=More Beautiful and More Terrible: The Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the United States |location=New York |publisher=[[New York University Press]] |date=2011 |page=23}}</ref> and that "race is something that happens, rather than something that is. It is dynamic, but it holds no objective truth."<ref>{{cite book |first=Imani |last=Perry |author-link=Imani Perry |title=More Beautiful and More Terrible: The Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the United States |location=New York |publisher=[[New York University Press]] |date=2011 |page=24}}</ref> Similarly, ''[[Racial Culture: A Critique]]'' (2005), Richard T. Ford argued that while "there is no necessary correspondence between the ascribed identity of race and one's culture or personal sense of self" and "group difference is not intrinsic to members of social groups but rather contingent o[n] the social practices of group identification", the social practices of [[identity politics]] may coerce individuals into the "compulsory" enactment of "prewritten racial scripts".<ref>{{cite book |last=Ford |first=Richard T. |author-link=Richard Thompson Ford |title=Racial Culture: A Critique |date=2005 |publisher=[[Princeton University Press]] |isbn=0691119600 |pages=117–118, 125–128}}</ref>

==== Brazil ====
{{Main|Race in Brazil}}
[[File:Redenção.jpg|thumb|upright=0.8|Portrait "Redenção de Cam" (1895), showing a Brazilian family becoming "whiter" each generation]]
Compared to 19th-century United States, 20th-century [[Demographics of Brazil|Brazil]] was characterized by a perceived relative absence of sharply defined racial groups. According to anthropologist [[Marvin Harris]], this pattern reflects a different history and different [[social relations]].

Race in Brazil was "biologized", but in a way that recognized the difference between ancestry (which determines [[genotype]]) and [[phenotypic]] differences. There, racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as the [[one-drop rule]], as it was in the United States. A Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the racial type of one or both parents, nor were there only a very limited number of categories to choose from,<ref name="Harris 1980" /> to the extent that full [[sibling]]s can pertain to different racial groups.<ref>{{cite journal |pmc=140919 |pmid=12509516 |doi=10.1073/pnas.0126614100 |volume=100 |issue=1 |title=Color and genomic ancestry in Brazilians |date=January 2003 |journal=[[Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America]] |pages=177–182 |last1=Parra |first1=F. C. |last2=Amado |first2=R. C. |last3=Lambertucci |first3=J. R. |last4=Rocha |first4=J. |last5=Antunes |first5=C. M. |last6=Pena |first6=S. D. |bibcode=2003PNAS..100..177P |doi-access=free}}</ref>

{| class="wikitable floatleft"
|-
! colspan="4" |Self-reported ancestry of people from<br />Rio de Janeiro, by race or skin color (2000 survey)<ref name="Telles">{{cite book |pages=[https://archive.org/details/raceinanotherame0000tell/page/81 81–84] |title=Race in Another America: The significance of skin color in Brazil |first=Edward Eric |last=Telles |author-link=Edward Telles |chapter=Racial Classification |date=2004 |publisher=[[Princeton University Press]] |isbn=0-691-11866-3 |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/raceinanotherame0000tell/page/81}}</ref>
|-
! Ancestry!! ''brancos'' !! ''pardos''!! ''negros''
|-
| European only
| 48% || 6%||–
|-
| African only
| – ||12%||25%
|-
| Amerindian only
| – ||2%||–
|-
| African and European
| 23% ||34%||31%
|-
| Amerindian and European
| 14% ||6%||–
|-
| African and Amerindian
| – ||4%||9%
|-
| African, Amerindian and European
| 15% ||36%||35%
|-
| Total
| 100% ||100%||100%
|-
| Any African
| 38% ||86%||100%
|}

Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and not one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin color and traits: a person who is considered white may have more African ancestry than a person who is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about European ancestry.<ref>{{cite web |first=Silvia |last=Salek |date=10 July 2007 |title=BBC delves into Brazilians' roots |work=[[BBC News]] |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6284806.stm |access-date=13 July 2009}}</ref> The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of genetic mixing in [[Brazilian society]], a society that remains highly, but not strictly, [[social stratification|stratified]] along color lines. These [[Socioeconomic status|socioeconomic]] factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, because a minority of ''[[pardo]]s'', or brown people, are likely to start declaring themselves white or black if socially upward,<ref>{{cite book |last=Ribeiro |first=Darcy |author-link=Darcy Ribeiro |title=O Povo Brasileiro |trans-title=The Brazilian People |publisher=Companhia de Bolso |edition=4th reprint |date=2008 |language=pt}}</ref> and being seen as relatively "whiter" as their perceived social status increases (much as in other regions of Latin America).<ref>{{cite book |editor-last=Levine-Rasky |editor-first=Cynthia |date=2002 |title=Working through whiteness: international perspectives |publisher=[[SUNY Press]] |isbn=9780791453407 |page=73 |quote='Money whitens' If any phrase encapsulates the association of whiteness and the modern in Latin America, this is it. It is a cliché formulated and reformulated throughout the region, a truism dependent upon the social experience that wealth is associated with whiteness, and that in obtaining the former one may become aligned with the latter (and vice versa).}}</ref>

[[Racial fluidity|Fluidity of racial categories]] aside, the "biologification" of race in Brazil referred above would match contemporary concepts of race in the United States quite closely, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race as one among, Asian and Indigenous apart, three IBGE's census categories. While assimilated [[Amerindians]] and people with very high quantities of Amerindian ancestry are usually grouped as ''[[caboclo]]s'', a subgroup of ''pardos'' which roughly translates as both [[mestizo]] and [[hillbilly]], for those of lower quantity of Amerindian descent a higher European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped as a ''pardo''. In several genetic tests, people with less than 60-65% of European descent and 5–10% of Amerindian descent usually cluster with [[Afro-Brazilian]]s (as reported by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most times do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was reported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% European and 13% Amerindian).<ref name="plosone.org" /><ref name="afrobras">{{cite web |url=http://www.afrobras.org.br/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=2112&Itemid=2 |title=Negros de origem européia |trans-title=Blacks of European origin |language=pt |website=afrobras.org.br |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101124105905/http://www.afrobras.org.br/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=2112&Itemid=2 |archive-date=24 November 2010 |url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |title=Genetic signatures of parental contribution in black and white populations in Brazil |doi=10.1590/S1415-47572009005000001 |date=2009 |last1=Guerreiro-Junior |first1=Vanderlei |last2=Bisso-Machado |first2=Rafael |last3=Marrero |first3=Andrea |last4=Hünemeier |first4=Tábita |last5=Salzano |first5=Francisco M. |last6=Bortolini |first6=Maria Cátira |journal=Genetics and Molecular Biology |volume=32 |pages=1–11 |pmid=21637639 |issue=1 |pmc=3032968}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |title=Genetic heritage variability of Brazilians in even regional averages, 2009 study |doi=10.1590/S0100-879X2009005000026 |date=2009 |last1=Pena |first1=S. D. J. |last2=Bastos-Rodrigues |first2=L. |last3=Pimenta |first3=J. R. |last4=Bydlowski |first4=S. P. |journal=Brazilian Journal of Medical and Biological Research |volume=42 |issue=10 |pages=870–876 |pmid=19738982 |doi-access=free}}</ref>

{| class="wikitable floatright"
|-
! colspan="11" |Ethnic groups in Brazil (census data)<ref>{{cite web |title=Brasil: 500 anos de povoamento |publisher=IBGE |url=http://www.ibge.gov.br/ibgeteen/povoamento/ |access-date=29 December 2011 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090923103736/http://www.ibge.gov.br/ibgeteen/povoamento/ |archive-date=23 September 2009 |language=pt}}</ref>
|-
!Ethnic group || white || black || multiracial
|- style="text-align:right;"
| 1872 || 3,787,289 || 1,954,452 || 4,188,737
|- style="text-align:right;"
| 1940 || 26,171,778 || 6,035,869 || 8,744,365
|- style="text-align:right;"
| 1991 || 75,704,927 || 7,335,136 || 62,316,064
|}

{| class="wikitable floatright"
|-
! colspan="6" |Ethnic groups in Brazil (1872 and 1890)<ref name="Ramos">{{cite book |last=Ramos |first=Arthur |date=2003 |title=A mestiçagem no Brasil |trans-title=Miscegenation in Brazil |language=pt |publisher=EDUFAL |location=Maceió, Brazil |isbn=978-85-7177-181-9 |page=82}}</ref>
|-
! Years
! whites
! multiracial
! blacks
! Indians
! Total
|-
| 1872
| 38.1%
| 38.3%
| 19.7%
| 3.9%
| 100%
|-
| 1890
| 44.0%
| 32.4%
| 14.6%
| 9%
| 100%
|}

If a more consistent report with the genetic groups in the gradation of genetic mixing is to be considered (e.g. that would not cluster people with a balanced degree of African and non-African ancestry in the black group instead of the multiracial one, unlike elsewhere in Latin America where people of high quantity of African descent tend to classify themselves as mixed), more people would report themselves as white and ''pardo'' in Brazil (47.7% and 42.4% of the population as of 2010, respectively), because by research its population is believed to have between 65 and 80% of autosomal European ancestry, in average (also >35% of European mt-DNA and >95% of European Y-DNA).<ref name="plosone.org">{{cite journal |title=The Genomic Ancestry of Individuals from Different Geographical Regions of Brazil Is More Uniform Than Expected |date=2011 |first1=Sérgio D. J. |last1=Pena |first2=Giuliano |last2=Di Pietro |first3=Mateus |last3=Fuchshuber-Moraes |first4=Julia Pasqualini |last4=Genro |first5=Mara H. |last5=Hutz |first6=Fernanda de Souza Gomes |last6=Kehdy |first7=Fabiana |last7=Kohlrausch |first8=Luiz Alexandre Viana |last8=Magno |first9=Raquel Carvalho |last9=Montenegro |first10=Manoel Odorico |last10=Moraes |first11=Maria Elisabete Amaral |last11=de Moraes |first12=Milene Raiol |last12=de Moraes |first13=Élida B. |last13=Ojopi |first14=Jamila A. |last14=Perini |first15=Clarice |last15=Racciopi |first16=Ândrea Kely Campos |last16=Ribeiro-dos-Santos |first17=Fabrício |last17=Rios-Santos |first18=Marco A. |last18=Romano-Silva |first19=Vinicius A. |last19=Sortica |first20=Guilherme |last20=Suarez-Kurtz |journal=[[PLoS One]] |volume=6 |issue=2 |page=e17063 |pmid=21359226 |pmc=3040205 |editor-last=Harpending |editor-first=Henry |bibcode=2011PLoSO...617063P |doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0017063 |doi-access=free}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |url=http://www.alvaro.com.br/pdf/trabalhoCientifico/ARTIGO_BRASIL_LILIAN.pdf |title=Allele frequencies of 15 STRs in a representative sample of the Brazilian population |doi=10.1016/j.fsigen.2009.05.006 |date=2010 |last1=De Assis Poiares |first1=Lilian |last2=De Sá Osorio |first2=Paulo |last3=Spanhol |first3=Fábio Alexandre |last4=Coltre |first4=Sidnei César |last5=Rodenbusch |first5=Rodrigo |last6=Gusmão |first6=Leonor |last7=Largura |first7=Alvaro |last8=Sandrini |first8=Fabiano |last9=Da Silva |first9=Cláudia Maria Dornelles |journal=Forensic Science International: Genetics |volume=4 |issue=2 |pages=e61–e63 |pmid=20129458 |url-status=dead |archive-date=8 April 2011 |archive-url=https://www.webcitation.org/5xmleMZgv?url=http://www.alvaro.com.br/pdf/trabalhoCientifico/ARTIGO_BRASIL_LILIAN.pdf}}</ref><ref>{{cite thesis |url=http://bdtd.bce.unb.br/tedesimplificado/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=3873 |first=Neide Maria de |last=Oliveira Godinho |title=O Impacto das Migrações na Constituição Genética de Populações Latino-Americanas |trans-title=The Impact of Migration on the Genetic Constitution of Latin American Populations |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110706162307/http://bdtd.bce.unb.br/tedesimplificado/tde_arquivos/36/TDE-2008-08-21T100337Z-3085/Publico/2008_NeideMOGodinho.pdf |archive-date=6 July 2011 |url-status=dead |type=PhD thesis |publisher=[[Universidade de Brasília]] |date=2008 |language=pt}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |first=Reinaldo José |last=Lopes |date=5 October 2009 |title=DNA de brasileiro é 80% europeu, indica estudo |website=Folha de S.Paulo |url=http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/folha/ciencia/ult306u633465.shtml |trans-title=Brazilian DNA is nearly 80% European, indicates study |language=pt}}</ref>

From the last decades of the [[Empire of Brazil|Empire]] until the 1950s, the proportion of the white population increased significantly while Brazil welcomed 5.5 million immigrants between 1821 and 1932, not much behind its neighbor Argentina with 6.4 million,<ref name="whitaker">{{cite book |title=Argentina |first=Arthur P. |last=Whitaker |location=Hoboken, New Jersey |publisher=[[Prentice Hall]] |date=1984}}, Cited in {{cite web|url=http://www.yale.edu/ynhti/curriculum/units/1990/1/90.01.06.x.html |title=Yale immigration study |publisher=[[Yale University]]}}</ref> and it received more European immigrants in its colonial history than the United States. Between 1500 and 1760, 700.000 Europeans settled in Brazil, while 530.000 Europeans settled in the United States for the same given time.<ref>{{cite book |first=Renato Pinto |last=Venâncio |chapter=Presença portuguesa: de colonizadores a imigrantes |trans-chapter=Portuguese presence: from colonizers to immigrants |title=Brasil: 500 anos de povoamento |trans-title=Brazil: 500 years of settlement |publisher=IBGE |location=Rio de Janeiro |date=2000}}, Relevant extract available here: {{cite web |url=https://brasil500anos.ibge.gov.br/territorio-brasileiro-e-povoamento/portugueses |access-date=16 October 2021 |title=território brasileiro e povoamento |trans-title=Brazilian territory and settlement |language=pt |publisher=IBGE}}</ref> Thus, the historical construction of race in Brazilian society dealt primarily with gradations between persons of majority European ancestry and little minority groups with otherwise lower quantity therefrom in recent times.

==== European Union ====
According to the [[Council of the European Union]]:
{{cquote
|quote=The European Union rejects theories which attempt to determine the existence of separate human races.
|source=Directive 2000/43/EC<ref name="32000L0043">{{CELEX|32000L0043|text=Council Directive 2000/43/EC of 29 June 2000 implementing the principle of equal treatment between persons irrespective of racial or ethnic origin}}</ref>
}}
The [[European Union]] uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin synonymously in its documents and according to it "the use of the term 'racial origin' in this directive does not imply an acceptance of such [racial] theories".<ref name="32000L0043" /><ref>{{cite web|title=European Union Directives on the Prohibition of Discrimination|url=http://www.humanrights.is/human-rights-and-iceland/equality--non-discrimination/|work=HumanRights.is|publisher=Icelandic Human Rights Centre|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120724051826/http://www.humanrights.is/human-rights-and-iceland/equality--non-discrimination|archive-date=24 July 2012}}</ref>{{full citation needed|date=September 2015}} [[Ian Haney López|Haney López]] warns that using "race" as a category within the law tends to legitimize its existence in the popular imagination. In the diverse geographic context of [[Europe]], ethnicity and ethnic origin are arguably more resonant and are less encumbered by the ideological baggage associated with "race". In European context, historical resonance of "race" underscores its problematic nature. In some states, it is strongly associated with laws promulgated by the [[Nazi]] and [[Fascist]] governments in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. Indeed, in 1996, the [[European Parliament]] adopted a resolution stating that "the term should therefore be avoided in all official texts".{{sfn|Bell|2009|p={{page needed|date=December 2021}}}}

The concept of racial origin relies on the notion that human beings can be separated into biologically distinct "races", an idea generally rejected by the scientific community. Since all human beings belong to the same species, the [[European Commission against Racism and Intolerance|ECRI]] (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) rejects theories based on the existence of different "races". However, in its Recommendation ECRI uses this term in order to ensure that those persons who are generally and erroneously perceived as belonging to "another race" are not excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation. The law claims to reject the existence of "race", yet penalize situations where someone is treated less favourably on this ground.{{sfn|Bell|2009|p={{page needed|date=December 2021}}}}

==== United States ====
{{Main|Race and ethnicity in the United States}}
{{See also|Miscegenation#Admixture in the United States|Historical racial and ethnic demographics of the United States}}

The immigrants to the [[United States]] came from every region of Europe, Africa, and Asia. They [[miscegenation|mixed]] among themselves and with the [[Indigenous peoples of the Americas|indigenous inhabitants of the continent]]. In the United States most people who self-identify as [[African American]] have some [[European ethnic groups|European ancestors]], while many people who identify as [[European American]] have some African or Amerindian ancestors.

Since the early history of the United States, Amerindians, African Americans, and European Americans have been classified as belonging to different races. Efforts to track mixing between groups led to a proliferation of categories, such as [[mulatto]] and [[octoroon]]. The criteria for membership in these races diverged in the late 19th century. During the [[Reconstruction era of the United States|Reconstruction]] era, increasing numbers of Americans began to consider anyone with "[[one-drop theory|one drop]]" of known "Black blood" to be Black, regardless of appearance. By the early 20th century, this notion was made statutory in many states. [[Amerindians]] continue to be defined by a certain percentage of "Indian blood" (called ''[[Blood quantum laws|blood quantum]]''). To be White one had to have perceived "pure" White ancestry. The one-drop rule or [[hypodescent]] rule refers to the convention of defining a person as racially black if he or she has any known African ancestry. This rule meant that those that were mixed race but with some discernible African ancestry were defined as black. The one-drop rule is specific to not only those with African ancestry but to the United States, making it a particularly African-American experience.<ref>{{cite book |last=Sexton |first=Jared |title=Amalgamation Schemes |url=https://archive.org/details/amalgamationsche00jare |url-access=registration |date=2008 |publisher=[[University of Minnesota Press]]}}</ref>

The [[United States Census|decennial censuses]] conducted since 1790 in the United States created an incentive to establish racial categories and fit people into these categories.<ref name="nobles" />

The term "[[Hispanic]]" as an [[ethnonym]] emerged in the 20th century with the rise of migration of laborers from the [[Hispanophone|Spanish-speaking countries]] of [[Latin America]] to the United States. Today, the word "Latino" is often used as a synonym for "Hispanic". The definitions of both terms are non-race specific, and include people who consider themselves to be of distinct races (Black, White, Amerindian, Asian, and mixed groups).<ref name="OMB 1997" /> However, there is a common misconception in the US that Hispanic/Latino is a race<ref>{{cite book |last=Horsman |first=Reginald |title=Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Radial Anglo-Saxonism |publisher=[[Harvard University Press]] |location=Cambridge, Massachusetts |date=1981 |page=210}}, This reference is speaking in historic terms but there is not reason to think that this perception has altered much</ref> or sometimes even that national origins such as Mexican, Cuban, Colombian, Salvadoran, etc. are races. In contrast to "Latino" or "Hispanic", "[[Anglo]]" refers to non-Hispanic [[White American]]s or non-Hispanic [[European American]]s, most of whom speak the English language but are not necessarily of English descent.

== Views across disciplines over time ==
=== Anthropology ===
The concept of race classification in physical anthropology lost credibility around the 1960s and is now considered untenable.<ref>{{cite book |title=A Companion to Biological Anthropology |editor-last=Larsen |editor-first=Clark Spencer |publisher=[[Wiley-Blackwell]] |date=2010 |isbn=978-1-4051-8900-2 |pages=13, 26 |quote='Race' as a typological characterization of human variation was to become a dominant theme in physical anthropology until the mid-twentieth century.&nbsp;... Controversies over race did not end in the 1960s&nbsp;... but there is a general sense in physical anthropology that the earlier use of race as a unit of study or as a conceptual unit is no longer viable and that this transition came in the 1960s.}}</ref>{{sfn|Lieberman|Kirk|Corcoran|2003}}<ref name="Sauer 1992"/> A 2019 statement by the [[American Association of Physical Anthropologists]] declares:<blockquote>Race does not provide an accurate representation of human biological variation. It was never accurate in the past, and it remains inaccurate when referencing contemporary human populations. Humans are not divided biologically into distinct continental types or racial genetic clusters. Instead, the Western concept of race must be understood as a classification system that emerged from, and in support of, European colonialism, oppression, and discrimination.<ref name=":5">{{Cite web|url=https://physanth.org/about/position-statements/aapa-statement-race-and-racism-2019/|title=AABA Statement on Race & Racism|website=physanth.org}}</ref></blockquote>Wagner et al. (2017) surveyed 3,286 American anthropologists' views on race and genetics, including both cultural and biological anthropologists. They found a consensus among them that biological races do not exist in humans, but that race does exist insofar as the social experiences of members of different races can have significant effects on health.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Wagner |first1=Jennifer K. |last2=Yu |first2=Joon-Ho |last3=Ifekwunigwe |first3=Jayne O. |last4=Harrell |first4=Tanya M. |last5=Bamshad |first5=Michael J. |last6=Royal |first6=Charmaine D. |date=February 2017 |title=Anthropologists' views on race, ancestry, and genetics |journal=American Journal of Physical Anthropology |volume=162 |issue=2 |pages=318–327 |doi=10.1002/ajpa.23120 |pmid=27874171 |pmc=5299519}}</ref>

Wang, Štrkalj et al. (2003) examined the use of race as a biological concept in research papers published in China's only biological anthropology journal, ''Acta Anthropologica Sinica''. The study showed that the race concept was widely used among Chinese anthropologists.<ref name="racechina1">{{cite journal |last1=Štrkalj |first1=Goran |last2=Wang |first2=Qian |date=2003 |title=On the Concept of Race in Chinese Biological Anthropology: Alive and Well |url=http://lesacreduprintemps19.files.wordpress.com/2011/07/on-the-concept-of-race-in-chinese-biological-anthropology-alive-and-well.pdf |journal=Current Anthropology |publisher=University of Chicago Press |volume=44 |issue=3 |page=403 |doi=10.1086/374899 |s2cid=224790805 |access-date=12 November 2013 |archive-date=12 November 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131112174202/http://lesacreduprintemps19.files.wordpress.com/2011/07/on-the-concept-of-race-in-chinese-biological-anthropology-alive-and-well.pdf |url-status=dead}}</ref>{{sfn|Black|Ferguson|2011 |p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=306ruTniZmcC&pg=PA125 125]}} In a 2007 review paper, Štrkalj suggested that the stark contrast of the racial approach between the United States and China was due to the fact that race is a factor for social cohesion among the ethnically diverse people of China, whereas "race" is a very sensitive issue in America and the racial approach is considered to undermine social cohesion&nbsp;– with the result that in the socio-political context of US academics scientists are encouraged not to use racial categories, whereas in China they are encouraged to use them.<ref name="racechina2">{{cite journal |last=Štrkalj |first=Goran |date=2007 |title=The Status of the Race Concept in Contemporary Biological Anthropology: A Review |url=http://www.krepublishers.com/02-Journals/T-Anth/Anth-09-0-000-000-2007-Web/Anth-09-1-000-000-2007-Abst-PDF/Anth-09-1-073-078-2007-422-%20%8Atrkalj-G/Anth-09-1-073-078-2007-422-%20%8Atrkalj-G-Tt.pdf |journal=[[The Anthropologist]] |volume=9 |issue=1 |pages=73–78 |doi=10.1080/09720073.2007.11890983 |s2cid=13690181}}</ref>

Lieberman et al. in a 2004 study researched the acceptance of race as a concept among anthropologists in the United States, Canada, the Spanish speaking areas, Europe, Russia and China. Rejection of race ranged from high to low, with the highest rejection rate in the United States and Canada, a moderate rejection rate in Europe, and the lowest rejection rate in Russia and China. Methods used in the studies reported included questionnaires and content analysis.<ref name="nih10" />

Kaszycka et al. (2009) in 2002–2003 surveyed European anthropologists' opinions toward the biological race concept. Three factors&nbsp;– country of academic education, discipline, and age&nbsp;– were found to be significant in differentiating the replies. Those educated in Western Europe, physical anthropologists, and middle-aged persons rejected race more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe, people in other branches of science, and those from both younger and older generations. "The survey shows that the views on race are sociopolitically (ideologically) influenced and highly dependent on education."<ref name="anthropologists" />

==== United States ====
Since the second half of the 20th century, [[physical anthropology]] in the United States has moved away from a typological understanding of human biological diversity towards a genomic and population-based perspective. Anthropologists have tended to understand race as a social classification of humans based on phenotype and ancestry as well as cultural factors, as the concept is understood in the social sciences.{{sfn|Caspari|2003}}{{sfn|Lieberman|Kirk|Corcoran|2003}} Since 1932, an increasing number of college textbooks introducing physical anthropology have rejected race as a valid concept: from 1932 to 1976, only seven out of thirty-two rejected race; from 1975 to 1984, thirteen out of thirty-three rejected race; from 1985 to 1993, thirteen out of nineteen rejected race. According to one academic journal entry, where 78 percent of the articles in the 1931 ''Journal of Physical Anthropology'' employed these or nearly synonymous terms reflecting a bio-race paradigm, only 36 percent did so in 1965, and just 28 percent did in 1996.<ref name="Lieberman, Kirk, et al. 2003" />

A 1998 "Statement on 'Race'" composed by a select committee of anthropologists and issued by the executive board of the [[American Anthropological Association]], which they argue "represents generally the contemporary thinking and scholarly positions of a majority of anthropologists", declares:<ref name="AAAonRace" />

{{blockquote|In the United States both scholars and the general public have been conditioned to viewing human races as natural and separate divisions within the human species based on visible physical differences. With the vast expansion of scientific knowledge in this century, however, it has become clear that human populations are not unambiguous, clearly demarcated, biologically distinct groups. Evidence from the analysis of genetics (e.g., DNA) indicates that most physical variation, about 94%, lies within so-called racial groups. Conventional geographic "racial" groupings differ from one another only in about 6% of their genes. This means that there is greater variation within "racial" groups than between them. In neighboring populations there is much overlapping of genes and their phenotypic (physical) expressions. Throughout history whenever different groups have come into contact, they have interbred. The continued sharing of genetic materials has maintained all of humankind as a single species.&nbsp;...

With the vast expansion of scientific knowledge in this century,&nbsp;... it has become clear that human populations are not unambiguous, clearly demarcated, biologically distinct groups.&nbsp;... Given what we know about the capacity of normal humans to achieve and function within any culture, we conclude that present-day inequalities between so-called "racial" groups are not consequences of their biological inheritance but products of historical and contemporary social, economic, educational, and political circumstances.}}

An earlier [[Statistical survey|survey]], conducted in 1985 {{harv|Lieberman|Hampton|Littlefield|Hallead|1992}}, asked 1,200 American scientists how many ''disagree'' with the following proposition: "There are biological races in the species ''Homo sapiens''." Among anthropologists, the responses were:
* [[physical anthropologist]]s: 41%
* [[cultural anthropologist]]s: 53%<ref name="presentations2005" />
Lieberman's study also showed that more women reject the concept of race than men.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Reynolds |first1=Larry T. |last2=Lieberman |first2=Leonard |title=Race and Other Misadventures: Essays in Honor of Ashley Montagu in His Ninetieth Year |publisher=Altamira Press |date=1996 |isbn=1-882-28935-8 |page=[https://archive.org/details/raceothermisadve0000unse/page/159 159] |url=https://archive.org/details/raceothermisadve0000unse/page/159}}</ref>

The same survey, conducted again in 1999,<ref name="Lieberman 2001" /> showed that the number of anthropologists disagreeing with the idea of biological race had risen substantially. The results were as follows:
* [[physical anthropologist]]s: 69%
* [[cultural anthropologist]]s: 80%

A line of research conducted by Cartmill (1998), however, seemed to limit the scope of Lieberman's finding that there was "a significant degree of change in the status of the race concept". [[Goran Štrkalj]] has argued that this may be because Lieberman and collaborators had looked at all the members of the American Anthropological Association irrespective of their field of research interest, while Cartmill had looked specifically at biological anthropologists interested in human variation.<ref name="Štrkalj 2007" />

In 2007, [[Ann Morning]] interviewed over 40 American biologists and anthropologists and found significant disagreements over the nature of race, with no one viewpoint holding a majority among either group. Morning also argues that a third position, "antiessentialism", which holds that race is not a useful concept for biologists, should be introduced into this debate in addition to "constructionism" and "essentialism".<ref name="MorningSocial">{{cite journal |last=Morning |first=Ann |date=November 2007 |title='Everyone Knows It's a Social Construct': Contemporary Science and the Nature of Race |url=https://archive.org/details/sim_sociological-focus_2007-11_40_4/page/436 |journal=Sociological Focus |volume=40 |issue=4 |pages=436–454 |doi=10.1080/00380237.2007.10571319 |s2cid=145012814}}</ref>

According to the 2000 [[University of Wyoming]] edition of a popular physical anthropology textbook, [[forensic anthropology|forensic anthropologists]] are overwhelmingly in support of the idea of the basic biological reality of human races.{{sfn|Gill|2000a}} Forensic physical anthropologist and professor [[George W. Gill]] has said that the idea that race is only skin deep "is simply not true, as any experienced forensic anthropologist will affirm" and "Many morphological features tend to follow geographic boundaries coinciding often with climatic zones. This is not surprising since the selective forces of climate are probably the primary forces of nature that have shaped human races with regard not only to skin color and hair form but also the underlying bony structures of the nose, cheekbones, etc. (For example, more prominent noses humidify air better.)" While he can see good arguments for both sides, the complete denial of the opposing evidence "seems to stem largely from socio-political motivation and not science at all". He also states that many biological anthropologists see races as real yet "not one introductory textbook of physical anthropology even presents that perspective as a possibility. In a case as flagrant as this, we are not dealing with science but rather with blatant, politically motivated censorship".{{sfn|Gill|2000a}}

In partial response to Gill's statement, Professor of Biological Anthropology [[C. Loring Brace]] argues that the reason laymen and biological anthropologists can determine the geographic ancestry of an individual can be explained by the fact that biological characteristics are [[cline (biology)|clinally]] distributed across the planet, and that does not translate into the concept of race. He states: {{Blockquote|text=Well, you may ask, why can't we call those regional patterns "races"? In fact, we can and do, but it does not make them coherent biological entities. "Races" defined in such a way are products of our perceptions.&nbsp;... We realize that in the extremes of our transit&nbsp;– Moscow to Nairobi, perhaps&nbsp;– there is a major but gradual change in skin color from what we euphemistically call white to black, and that this is related to the latitudinal difference in the intensity of the ultraviolet component of sunlight. What we do not see, however, is the myriad other traits that are distributed in a fashion quite unrelated to the intensity of ultraviolet radiation. Where skin color is concerned, all the northern populations of the Old World are lighter than the long-term inhabitants near the equator. Although Europeans and Chinese are obviously different, in skin color they are closer to each other than either is to equatorial Africans. But if we test the distribution of the widely known ABO blood-group system, then Europeans and Africans are closer to each other than either is to Chinese.{{sfn|Brace|2000a}}}}The concept of "race" is still sometimes used within [[forensic anthropology]] (when analyzing skeletal remains), [[biomedical research]], and [[race-based medicine]].<ref name="Gill; Armelagos; et al." /><ref name=Witzig/> Brace has criticized forensic anthropologists for this, arguing that they in fact should be talking about regional ancestry. He argues that while forensic anthropologists can determine that a skeletal remain comes from a person with ancestors in a specific region of Africa, categorizing that skeletal as being "black" is a socially constructed category that is only meaningful in the particular social context of the United States, and which is not itself scientifically valid.<ref name="anthropology" />

=== Biology, anatomy, and medicine ===
In the same 1985 survey {{harv|Lieberman|Hampton|Littlefield|Hallead|1992}}, 16% of the surveyed [[biologist]]s and 36% of the surveyed [[Developmental psychology|developmental psychologists]] disagreed with the proposition: "There are biological races in the species ''Homo sapiens''."

The authors of the study also examined 77 college textbooks in biology and 69 in physical anthropology published between 1932 and 1989. Physical anthropology texts argued that biological races exist until the 1970s, when they began to argue that races do not exist. In contrast, biology textbooks did not undergo such a reversal but many instead dropped their discussion of race altogether. The authors attributed this to biologists trying to avoid discussing the political implications of racial classifications, and to the ongoing discussions in biology about the validity of the idea of "subspecies". The authors concluded, "The concept of race, masking the overwhelming genetic similarity of all peoples and the mosaic patterns of variation that do not correspond to racial divisions, is not only socially dysfunctional but is biologically indefensible as well (pp. 5 18–5 19)."{{harv|Lieberman|Hampton|Littlefield|Hallead|1992|pp=316–17}}

A 1994 examination of 32 English sport/exercise science textbooks found that 7 (21.9%) claimed that there are biophysical differences due to race that might explain differences in sports performance, 24 (75%) did not mention nor refute the concept, and 1 (3.1%) expressed caution with the idea.<ref name="presentation" />

In February 2001, the editors of ''[[Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine]]'' asked "authors to not use race and ethnicity when there is no biological, scientific, or sociological reason for doing so".<ref name="Rivara, Finberg 2001" /> The editors also stated that "analysis by race and ethnicity has become an analytical knee-jerk reflex".<ref name="nih" /> ''Nature Genetics'' now ask authors to "explain why they make use of particular ethnic groups or populations, and how classification was achieved".<ref name="profiling" />

Morning (2008) looked at high school biology textbooks during the 1952–2002 period and initially found a similar pattern with only 35% directly discussing race in the 1983–92 period from initially 92% doing so. However, this has increased somewhat after this to 43%. More indirect and brief discussions of race in the context of medical disorders have increased from none to 93% of textbooks. In general, the material on race has moved from surface traits to genetics and evolutionary history. The study argues that the textbooks' fundamental message about the existence of races has changed little.<ref name="reconstructing" />

Surveying views on race in the scientific community in 2008, Morning concluded that biologists had failed to come to a clear consensus, and they often split along cultural and demographic lines. She notes: "At best, one can conclude that biologists and anthropologists now appear equally divided in their beliefs about the nature of race."<ref name="MorningSocial" />

Gissis (2008) examined several important American and British journals in genetics, epidemiology and medicine for their content during the 1946–2003 period. He wrote that "Based upon my findings I argue that the category of race only ''seemingly'' disappeared from scientific discourse after World War II and has had a ''fluctuating yet continuous use'' during the time span from 1946 to 2003, and has even ''become more pronounced from the early 1970s on''".<ref name="autogenerated" />

33 health services researchers from differing geographic regions were interviewed in a 2008 study. The researchers recognized the problems with racial and ethnic variables but the majority still believed these variables were necessary and useful.<ref name="operationalization" />

A 2010 examination of 18 widely used English [[anatomy]] textbooks found that they all represented human biological variation in superficial and outdated ways, many of them making use of the race concept in ways that were current in 1950s anthropology. The authors recommended that anatomical education should describe human anatomical variation in more detail and rely on newer research that demonstrates the inadequacies of simple racial typologies.<ref name="biological" />

A 2021 study that examined over 11,000 papers from 1949 to 2018 in the ''[[American Journal of Human Genetics]]'', found that "race" was used in only 5% of papers published in the last decade, down from 22% in the first. Together with an increase in use of the terms "ethnicity", "ancestry", and location-based terms, it suggests that human geneticists have mostly abandoned the term "race".<ref>{{cite journal |title=Geneticists curb use of 'race' |journal=[[Science (journal)|Science]] |volume=374 |issue=6572 |page=1177 |date=3 December 2021}}</ref>

The [[National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine]] (NASEM), supported by the US the [[National Institutes of Health]], formally declared that "researchers should not use race as a proxy for describing human genetic variation".<ref name=":6">{{Cite web |date=14 March 2023 |title=Researchers Need to Rethink and Justify How and Why Race, Ethnicity, and Ancestry Labels Are Used in Genetics and Genomics Research, Says New Report |url=https://www.nationalacademies.org/news/2023/03/researchers-need-to-rethink-and-justify-how-and-why-race-ethnicity-and-ancestry-labels-are-used-in-genetics-and-genomics-research-says-new-report |access-date=17 April 2023 |website=National Academies}}</ref> The report of its Committee on the Use of Race, Ethnicity, and Ancestry as Population Descriptors in Genomics Research titled ''Using Population Descriptors in Genetics and Genomics Research'' was released on 14 March 2023.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Kaiser |first=Jocelyn |date=14 March 2023 |title=Geneticists should rethink how they use race and ethnicity, panel urges |url=https://www.science.org/content/article/geneticists-should-rethink-how-they-use-race-and-ethnicity-panel-urges |journal=[[Science (journal)|Science]] |volume=Online |doi=10.1126/science.adh7982}}</ref><ref name=":7">{{Cite news |last=Zimmer |first=Carl |date=14 March 2023 |title=Guidelines Warn Against Racial Categories in Genetic Research |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/14/science/race-genetics-research-national-academies.html |access-date=17 April 2023 |issn=0362-4331}}</ref> The report stated: "In humans, race is a socially constructed designation, a misleading and harmful surrogate for population genetic differences, and has a long history of being incorrectly identified as the major genetic reason for phenotypic differences between groups."<ref name=":8" /> The committee co-chair [[Charmaine Royal|Charmaine D. Royal]] and [[Robert O. Keohane]] of Duke University agreed in the meeting: "Classifying people by race is a practice entangled with and rooted in racism."<ref name=":6" />

=== Sociology ===
{{see also|Sociology of race and ethnic relations}}
[[Lester Frank Ward]] (1841–1913), considered to be one of the founders of American sociology, rejected notions that there were fundamental differences that distinguished one race from another, although he acknowledged that social conditions differed dramatically by race.<ref name=":2">{{cite journal |last=Frazier |first=E. Franklin |date=1947 |title=Sociological Theory and Race Relations |url=https://archive.org/details/sim_american-sociological-review_1947-06_12_3/page/265 |journal=[[American Sociological Review]] |volume=12 |issue=3 |pages=265–271 |doi=10.2307/2086515 |jstor=2086515}}</ref> At the turn of the 20th century, sociologists viewed the concept of race in ways that were shaped by the [[scientific racism]] of the 19th and early 20th centuries.<ref name=":0">{{cite book |title=Classical and Contemporary Sociological Theory |last1=Appelrouth |first1=Scott |last2=Edles |first2=Laura Desfor |publisher=[[Sage Publishing]] |date=2016 |isbn=9781452203621 |location=Thousand Oaks, California}}</ref> Many sociologists focused on African Americans, called [[Negro]]es at that time, and claimed that they were inferior to whites. White sociologist [[Charlotte Perkins Gilman]] (1860–1935), for example, used biological arguments to claim the inferiority of African Americans.<ref name=":0" /> American sociologist [[Charles Cooley|Charles H. Cooley]] (1864–1929) theorized that differences among races were "natural", and that biological differences result in differences in intellectual abilities<ref>{{cite journal |last=Cooley |first=Charles H. |date=May 1897 |title=Genius, Fame and the Comparison of Races |journal=Annals of the [[American Academy of Political and Social Science]] |volume=9 |issue=3 |pages=1–42 |url=https://brocku.ca/MeadProject/Cooley/Cooley_1897.html |via=Brock University |doi=10.1177/000271629700900301 |hdl=2027.42/66770 |s2cid=144674315 |hdl-access=free }} Republished as: {{cite book |chapter=Genius, Fame, and Race |date=1995 |pages=417–437 |title=The Bell Curve Debate: History, Documents, Opinions |editor1-first=Russell |editor1-last=Jacoby |editor2-first=Naomi |editor2-last=Glauberman |location=Toronto |publisher=Random House}}</ref><ref name=":2" /> [[Edward Alsworth Ross]] (1866–1951), also an important figure in the founding of American sociology, and a [[Eugenics|eugenicist]], believed that whites were the superior race, and that there were essential differences in "temperament" among races.<ref name=":2" /> In 1910, the ''Journal'' published an article by [[Ulysses G. Weatherly]] (1865–1940) that called for white supremacy and segregation of the races to protect racial purity.<ref name=":2" />

[[W. E. B. Du Bois]] (1868–1963), one of the first African-American sociologists, was the first sociologist to use sociological concepts and empirical research methods to analyze race as a social construct instead of a biological reality.<ref name=":0" /> Beginning in 1899 with his book ''The Philadelphia Negro'', Du Bois studied and wrote about race and racism throughout his career. In his work, he contended that [[social class]], [[colonialism]], and [[capitalism]] shaped ideas about race and racial categories. Social scientists largely abandoned scientific racism and biological reasons for racial categorization schemes by the 1930s.<ref name=":3">{{cite book |last=Fitzgerald |first=Kathleen J. |title=Recognizing Race and Ethnicity: Power, Privilege, and Inequality |date=2014 |location=Boulder, Colorado |publisher=Westview Press}}</ref> Other early sociologists, especially those associated with the [[Chicago school (sociology)|Chicago School]], joined Du Bois in theorizing race as a socially constructed fact.<ref name=":3" /> By 1978, [[William Julius Wilson]] argued that race and racial classification systems were declining in significance, and that instead, [[social class]] more accurately described what sociologists had earlier understood as race.<ref>{{cite book |last=Wilson |first=William Julius |date=1978 |chapter=The Declining Significance of Race: Blacks and Changing American Institutions |pages=765–776 |title=Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective |editor-first=David B. |editor-last=Grusky |location=Boulder, Colorado |publisher=Westview Press}}</ref> By 1986, sociologists [[Michael Omi]] and [[Howard Winant]] successfully introduced the concept of [[Racial formation theory|racial formation]] to describe the process by which racial categories are created.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book |chapter=Racial Formation in the United States |last1=Omi |first1=Michael |last2=Winant |first2=Howard |title=Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective |edition=4th |publisher=Westview Press |date=2014 |editor-last=Grusky |editor-first=David B .|location=Boulder, Colorado |isbn=9780813346717 |page=683}}</ref> Omi and Winant assert that "there is no biological basis for distinguishing among human groups along the lines of race".<ref name=":1"/>

[[Eduardo Bonilla-Silva]], Sociology professor at Duke University, remarks:<ref>{{cite book |title=Race, Class, and Gender in the United States (text only) |edition=7th |first=P. S. |last=Rothenberg |page=131}}</ref> "I contend that racism is, more than anything else, a matter of group power; it is about a dominant racial group (whites) striving to maintain its systemic advantages and minorities fighting to subvert the racial status quo."<ref name="autogenerated2006">{{cite book |first=Eduardo |last=Bonilla-Silva |title=Racism Without Racists |edition=2nd |date=2006 |publisher=[[Rowman and Littlefield]]}}</ref> The types of practices that take place under this new color-blind racism is subtle, institutionalized, and supposedly not racial. Color-blind racism thrives on the idea that race is no longer an issue in the United States.<ref name="autogenerated2006" /> There are contradictions between the alleged color-blindness of most whites and the persistence of a color-coded system of inequality.{{citation needed|date=November 2016}}

Today, sociologists generally understand race and racial categories as socially constructed, and reject racial categorization schemes that depend on biological differences.<ref name=":3" />

== Political and practical uses ==
=== Biomedicine ===
{{Main|Race and health}}
{{See also|Pharmacogenomics}}
In the United States, federal government policy promotes the use of racially categorized data to identify and address health disparities between racial or ethnic groups.<ref name="hhs" /> In clinical settings, race has sometimes been considered in the diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions. Doctors have noted that some medical conditions are more prevalent in certain racial or ethnic groups than in others, without being sure of the cause of those differences. Recent interest in [[race-based medicine]], or race-targeted [[pharmacogenomics]], has been fueled by the proliferation of human genetic data which followed the [[Human Genome Project|decoding]] of the [[human genome]] in the first decade of the twenty-first century. There is an active debate among biomedical researchers about the meaning and importance of race in their research. Proponents of the use of racial categories in biomedicine argue that continued use of racial categorizations in biomedical research and clinical practice makes possible the application of new genetic findings, and provides a clue to diagnosis.<ref name="Risch 2002" /><ref name="Condit, et al. 2003" /> Biomedical researchers' positions on race fall into two main camps: those who consider the concept of race to have no biological basis and those who consider it to have the potential to be biologically meaningful. Members of the latter camp often base their arguments around the potential to create genome-based [[personalized medicine]].<ref>{{cite journal |last=Lee |first=Catherine |title='Race' and 'ethnicity' in biomedical research: How do scientists construct and explain differences in health? |journal=Social Science & Medicine |date=March 2009 |volume=68 |issue=6 |pages=1183–1190 |doi=10.1016/j.socscimed.2008.12.036 |pmid=19185964}}</ref>

Other researchers point out that finding a difference in disease prevalence between two socially defined groups does not necessarily imply genetic causation of the difference.<ref name="Graves 2011" /><ref name="Fullwiley2011DNA" /> They suggest that medical practices should maintain their focus on the individual rather than an individual's membership to any group.<ref name="Harpending2006AnthropologicalGenetics" /> They argue that overemphasizing genetic contributions to health disparities carries various risks such as reinforcing stereotypes, promoting racism or ignoring the contribution of non-genetic factors to health disparities.<ref name="Lee, Mountain, et al." /> International epidemiological data show that living conditions rather than race make the biggest difference in health outcomes even for diseases that have "race-specific" treatments.<ref name="Kahn 2011" /> Some studies have found that patients are reluctant to accept racial categorization in medical practice.<ref name="Condit, et al. 2003" />

=== Law enforcement ===
{{Main|Racial profiling}}
{{See also|Race and crime in the United Kingdom|Race and crime in the United States}}
In an attempt to provide general descriptions that may facilitate the job of [[law enforcement officer]]s seeking to apprehend suspects, the United States [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] employs the term "race" to summarize the general appearance (skin color, hair texture, eye shape, and other such easily noticed characteristics) of individuals whom they are attempting to apprehend. From the perspective of [[Law enforcement agency|law enforcement]] officers, it is generally more important to arrive at a description that will readily suggest the general appearance of an individual than to make a scientifically valid categorization by DNA or other such means. Thus, in addition to assigning a wanted individual to a racial category, such a description will include: height, weight, eye color, scars and other distinguishing characteristics.

Criminal justice agencies in [[England]] and [[Wales]] use at least two separate racial/ethnic classification systems when reporting crime, as of 2010. One is the system used in the [[United Kingdom Census 2001#Ethnicity|2001 Census]] when individuals identify themselves as belonging to a particular ethnic group: W1 (White-British), W2 (White-Irish), W9 (Any other white background); M1 (White and black Caribbean), M2 (White and black African), M3 (White and Asian), M9 (Any other mixed background); A1 (Asian-Indian), A2 (Asian-Pakistani), A3 (Asian-Bangladeshi), A9 (Any other Asian background); B1 (Black Caribbean), B2 (Black African), B3 (Any other black background); O1 (Chinese), O9 (Any other). The other is categories used by the police when they visually identify someone as belonging to an ethnic group, e.g. at the time of a stop and search or an arrest: White – North European (IC1), White – South European (IC2), Black (IC3), Asian (IC4), Chinese, Japanese, or South East Asian (IC5), Middle Eastern (IC6), and Unknown (IC0). "IC" stands for "Identification Code;" these items are also referred to as Phoenix classifications.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.justice.gov.uk/downloads/statistics/mojstats/stats-race-cjs-2010.pdf |title=Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System 2010, Appendix C: Classifications of ethnicity |date=October 2011 |access-date=24 September 2014 |publisher=Ministry of Justice}}</ref> Officers are instructed to "record the response that has been given" even if the person gives an answer which may be incorrect; their own perception of the person's ethnic background is recorded separately.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.suffolk.police.uk/aboutus/equalityanddiversity/stopandsearch2/rightsandresponsibilities/idoc.ashx?docid=fa7ddb99-1a10-453f-893e-05018337fa59&version=-1 |title=Stop and Search Manual |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140826120444/http://www.suffolk.police.uk/aboutus/equalityanddiversity/stopandsearch2/rightsandresponsibilities/idoc.ashx?docid=fa7ddb99-1a10-453f-893e-05018337fa59&version=-1 |archive-date=26 August 2014 |url-status=dead |work=Suffolk Constabulary Policies & Procedures |access-date=24 September 2014}}</ref> Comparability of the information being recorded by officers was brought into question by the [[Office for National Statistics]] (ONS) in September 2007, as part of its Equality Data Review; one problem cited was the number of reports that contained an ethnicity of "Not Stated".<ref>[http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/guide-method/measuring-equality/equality/equality-data-review/review-of-equality-data--audit-report.pdf "Office of National Statistics: Review of equality data: audit report"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140826114623/http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/guide-method/measuring-equality/equality/equality-data-review/review-of-equality-data--audit-report.pdf |date=26 August 2014}} Retrieved 24 September 2014.</ref>

In many countries, such as [[France]], the state is legally banned from maintaining data based on race.<ref>{{cite web |last=Bleich |first=Erik |date=1 May 2001 |title=Race Policy in France |url=https://www.brookings.edu/articles/race-policy-in-france/ |website=The Brookings Institution}}</ref>

In the United States, the practice of [[racial profiling]] has been ruled to be both [[unconstitutional]] and a violation of [[civil rights]]. There is active debate regarding the cause of a marked correlation between the recorded crimes, punishments meted out, and the country's populations. Many consider ''de facto'' [[racial profiling]] an example of [[institutional racism]] in law enforcement.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://courses.lumenlearning.com/boundless-sociology/chapter/race/ |title=Race {{!}} Boundless Sociology |website=courses.lumenlearning.com |access-date=6 July 2019}}</ref>

Mass incarceration in the United States disproportionately impacts African American and Latino communities. Michelle Alexander, author of ''[[The New Jim Crow]]: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness'' (2010), argues that mass incarceration is best understood as not only a system of overcrowded prisons. Mass incarceration is also, "the larger web of laws, rules, policies, and customs that control those labeled criminals both in and out of prison".{{sfn|Alexander|2010|p=13}} She defines it further as "a system that locks people not only behind actual bars in actual prisons, but also behind virtual bars and virtual walls", illustrating the second-class citizenship that is imposed on a disproportionate number of people of color, specifically African-Americans. She compares mass incarceration to [[Jim Crow laws]], stating that both work as racial caste systems.{{sfn|Alexander|2010|p=12}}

Many research findings appear to agree that the impact of victim race in the [[interpersonal violence]] (IPV) arrest decision might include a racial bias in favor of white victims. A 2011 study in a national sample of IPV arrests found that female arrest was more likely if the male victim was white and the female offender was black, while male arrest was more likely if the female victim was white. For both female and male arrest in IPV cases, situations involving married couples were more likely to lead to arrest compared to dating or divorced couples. More research is needed to understand agency and community factors that influence police behavior and how discrepancies in IPV interventions/ tools of justice can be addressed.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Dichter |first1=M. E. |last2=Marcus |first2=S. M. |last3=Morabito |first3=M. S. |last4=Rhodes |first4=K. V. |date=2011 |title=Explaining the IPV arrest decision: Incident, agency, and community factors |journal=Criminal Justice Review |volume=36 |pages=22–39 |doi=10.1177/0734016810383333 |s2cid=146748135}}</ref>

Recent work using DNA [[cluster analysis]] to determine race background has been used by some criminal investigators to narrow their search for the identity of both suspects and victims.<ref name="abraham" /> Proponents of DNA profiling in criminal investigations cite cases where leads based on DNA analysis proved useful, but the practice remains controversial among medical ethicists, defense lawyers and some in law enforcement.<ref name="willing" />

The [[Constitution of Australia]] contains a line about 'people of any race for whom it is deemed necessary to make special laws', despite there being no agreed definition of race described in the document.

==== Forensic anthropology ====
{{Main|Forensic anthropology}}
Similarly, [[forensic anthropology|forensic anthropologists]] draw on highly heritable morphological features of human remains (e.g. cranial measurements) to aid in the identification of the body, including in terms of race. In a 1992 article, anthropologist [[Norman Sauer]] noted that anthropologists had generally abandoned the concept of race as a valid representation of human biological diversity, except for forensic anthropologists. He asked, "If races don't exist, why are forensic anthropologists so good at identifying them?"<ref name="Sauer 1992" /> He concluded:

{{blockquote|1=[T]he successful assignment of race to a skeletal specimen is not a vindication of the race concept, but rather a prediction that an individual, while alive was assigned to a particular socially constructed "racial" category. A specimen may display features that point to African ancestry. In this country that person is likely to have been labeled Black regardless of whether or not such a race actually exists in nature.<ref name="Sauer 1992" />}}

Identification of the ancestry of an individual is dependent upon knowledge of the frequency and distribution of phenotypic traits in a population. This does not necessitate the use of a racial classification scheme based on unrelated traits, although the race concept is widely used in medical and legal contexts in the United States.<ref name="Kennedy"/> Some studies have reported that races can be identified with a high degree of accuracy using certain methods, such as that developed by Giles and Elliot. However, this method sometimes fails to be replicated in other times and places; for instance, when the method was re-tested to identify Native Americans, the average rate of accuracy dropped from 85% to 33%.<ref name=goodman/> Prior information about the individual (e.g. Census data) is also important in allowing the accurate identification of the individual's "race".<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Konigsberg |first1=Lyle W. |last2=Algee-Hewitt |first2=Bridget F. B. |last3=Steadman |first3=Dawnie Wolfe |date=1 May 2009 |title=Estimation and evidence in forensic anthropology: Sex and race |url=https://archive.org/details/sim_american-journal-of-physical-anthropology_2009-05_139_1/page/77 |journal=American Journal of Physical Anthropology |volume=139 |issue=1 |pages=77–90 |doi=10.1002/ajpa.20934 |pmid=19226642 |issn=1096-8644}}</ref>

In a different approach, anthropologist [[C. Loring Brace]] said:

{{blockquote|1=The simple answer is that, as members of the society that poses the question, they are inculcated into the social conventions that determine the expected answer. They should also be aware of the biological inaccuracies contained in that "politically correct" answer. Skeletal analysis provides no direct assessment of skin color, but it does allow an accurate estimate of original geographical origins. African, eastern Asian, and European ancestry can be specified with a high degree of accuracy. Africa of course entails "black", but "black" does not entail African.<ref name="anthropology12" />}}

In association with a NOVA program in 2000 about race, he wrote an essay opposing use of the term.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/evolution/does-race-exist.html|title=Does Race Exist?|date=15 February 2000 |website=www.pbs.org |access-date=9 November 2017}}</ref>

A 2002 study found that about 13% of human craniometric variation existed between regions, while 6% existed between local populations within regions and 81% within local populations. In contrast, the opposite pattern of genetic variation was observed for skin color (which is often used to define race), with 88% of variation between regions. The study concluded: "The apportionment of genetic diversity in skin color is atypical, and cannot be used for purposes of classification."<ref>{{cite journal |last=Relethford |first=John H. |title=Apportionment of global human genetic diversity based on craniometrics and skin color |journal=American Journal of Physical Anthropology |date=11 July 2002 |volume=118 |issue=4 |pages=393–398 |doi=10.1002/ajpa.10079 |pmid=12124919 |s2cid=8717358 |url=http://references.260mb.com/Biometria/Relethford2002.pdf |access-date=25 October 2017 |archive-date=26 October 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171026053656/http://references.260mb.com/Biometria/Relethford2002.pdf |url-status=dead}}</ref>
Similarly, a 2009 study found that craniometrics could be used accurately to determine what part of the world someone was from based on their cranium; however, this study also found that there were no abrupt boundaries that separated craniometric variation into distinct racial groups.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Relethford |first1=John H. |title=Race and global patterns of phenotypic variation |journal=American Journal of Physical Anthropology |date=18 February 2009 |volume=139 |issue=1 |pages=16–22 |doi=10.1002/ajpa.20900 |quote=Craniometric variation is geographically structured, allowing high levels of classification accuracy when comparing crania from different parts of the world. Nonetheless, the boundaries in global variation are not abrupt and do not fit a strict view of the race concept; the number of races and the cutoffs used to define them are arbitrary. |pmid=19226639}}</ref> Another 2009 study showed that American blacks and whites had different skeletal morphologies, and that significant patterning in variation in these traits exists within continents. This suggests that classifying humans into races based on skeletal characteristics would necessitate many different "races" being defined.<ref name=ousley2009/>

In 2010, philosopher [[Neven Sesardić]] argued that when several traits are analyzed at the same time, forensic anthropologists can classify a person's race with an accuracy of close to 100% based on only skeletal remains.<ref name="Sesardic 2010" /> Sesardić's claim has been disputed by philosopher [[Massimo Pigliucci]], who accused Sesardić of "cherry pick[ing] the scientific evidence and reach[ing] conclusions that are contradicted by it". Specifically, Pigliucci argued that Sesardić misrepresented a paper by Ousley et al. (2009), and neglected to mention that they identified differentiation not just between individuals from different races, but also between individuals from different tribes, local environments, and time periods.<ref name="Pigliucci 2013" />

== See also ==
{{Div col|colwidth=18em}}
* [[Biological anthropology]]
* [[Clan]]
* [[Cultural identity]]
* [[Environmental racism]]
* [[Epicanthic fold]]
* [[Ethnic nationalism]]
* [[Ethnic stereotype]]
* [[Genetic distance]]
* {{section link|History of anthropometry|Race, identity and cranio-facial description}}
* [[Human skin color]]
* [[Hypatia transracialism controversy]]
* [[Interracial marriage]]
* [[List of contemporary ethnic groups]]
* [[Melanism]]
* [[Multiracial]]
* [[Nationalism]]
* [[Nomen dubium]] – a scientific name that is of unknown or doubtful application.
* [[Pre-Adamite]]
* [[Race and ethnicity in censuses]] ([[Race and ethnicity in the United States Census|US]])
* [[Race and genetics]]
* [[Race and health]]
* [[Race of the future]]
* [[Racialization]]
* [[Raciolinguistics]]
* [[Racism]]
* [[Supremacism]]
* ''[[The Races of Mankind|Races of Mankind]]'' for the [[Field Museum of Natural History]] exhibition by sculptor [[Malvina Hoffman]]
* [[The Race Question]]
* {{Lookfrom|Racial}}
{{div col end}}

== References ==
{{reflist|30em|refs=

<ref name="AAAonRace">{{harvnb|AAA|1998}}</ref>

<ref name="aaa">{{harvnb|AAA|1998}}: "For example, 'Evidence from the analysis of genetics (e.g., DNA) indicates that most physical variation, about 94%, lies within so-called racial groups. Conventional geographic "racial" groupings differ from one another only in about 6% of their genes. This means that there is greater variation within 'racial' groups than between them.{{'"}}</ref>

<ref name="AAPA">{{harvnb|AAPA|1996|p=714}} "Pure races, in the sense of genetically homogeneous populations, do not exist in the human species today, nor is there any evidence that they have ever existed in the past."</ref>

<ref name="abraham">{{harvnb|Abraham|2009}}</ref>

<ref name="Andreasen 2000">{{harvnb|Andreasen|2000}}</ref>

<ref name="anthropologists">{{cite journal |last1=Kaszycka |first1=Katarzyna A. |last2=Štrkalj |first2=Goran |last3=Strzalko |first3=Jan |date=2009 |title=Current Views of European Anthropologists on Race: Influence of Educational and Ideological Background |journal=[[American Anthropologist]] |volume=111 |issue=1 |pages=43–56 |doi=10.1111/j.1548-1433.2009.01076.x |s2cid=55419265}}</ref>

<ref name="anthropology">{{cite journal |last1=Brace |first1=C. Loring |author-link=C. Loring Brace |date=1995 |title=Region Does not Mean 'Race': Reality Versus Convention in Forensic Anthropology |journal=[[Journal of Forensic Sciences]] |volume=40 |issue=2 |pages=29–33 |doi=10.1520/JFS15336J}}</ref>
<ref name="anthropology12">{{cite journal |last1=Brace |first1=C. Loring |author-link=C. Loring Brace |date=1995 |title=Region Does not Mean 'Race': Reality Versus Convention in Forensic Anthropology |journal=[[Journal of Forensic Sciences]] |volume=40 |issue=2 |pages=171–175 |doi=10.1520/JFS15336J}}</ref>

<ref name="autogenerated">{{Cite journal |last=Gissis |first=S. |title=When is 'race' a race? 1946–2003 |doi=10.1016/j.shpsc.2008.09.006 |journal=Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences |volume=39 |issue=4 |pages=437–450 |date=2008 |pmid=19026975}}</ref>

<ref name="banton">{{harvnb|Banton|1977}}</ref>

<ref name="Brace 2005">{{harvnb|Brace|2005|page=326}}</ref>

<ref name="Brace; Gill; Lee">See:
* {{harvnb|Brace|2000a}}
* {{harvnb|Gill|2000a}}
* {{harvnb|Lee|1997}}: "The very naturalness of 'reality' is itself the effect of a particular set of discursive constructions. In this way, discourse does not simply reflect reality, but actually participates in its construction"
</ref>

<ref name="Britannica">{{cite encyclopedia |last1=Smedley |first1=Audrey |last2=Takezawa |first2=Yasuko I. |last3=Wade |first3=Peter |title=Race: Human |encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Britannica |url=http://www.britannica.com/topic/race-human |publisher=Encyclopædia Britannica Inc. |access-date=22 August 2017}}</ref>

<ref name="biological">{{cite journal |last1=Štrkalj |first1=Goran |last2=Solyali |first2=Veli |date=2010 |title=Human Biological Variation in Anatomy Textbooks: The Role of Ancestry |journal=Studies on Ethno-Medicine |volume=4 |issue=3 |pages=157–161 |publisher=Kamla-Raj Ent. |doi=10.1080/09735070.2010.11886375 |s2cid=73945508 }}</ref>

<ref name="brace2">{{harvnb|Brace|2005|page=27}}</ref>

<ref name="boyd">{{harvnb|Boyd|1950}}</ref>

<ref name="Condit, et al. 2003">{{cite journal |title=Attitudinal barriers to delivery of race-targeted pharmacogenomics among informed lay persons |first1=Celeste |last1=Condit |first2=Alan |last2=Templeton |first3=Benjamin R. |last3=Bates |first4=Jennifer L. |last4=Bevan |first5=Tina M. |last5=Harris |journal=Genetics in Medicine |volume=5 |issue=5 |pages=385–392 |date=September 2003 |pmid=14501834 |doi-access=free |doi=10.1097/01.GIM.0000087990.30961.72}} In summary, they argues that, in order to predict the clinical success of pharmacogenomic research, scholars must conduct subsidiary research on two fronts: Science, wherein the degree of correspondence between popular and professional racial categories can be assessed; and society at large, through which attitudinal factors moderate the relationship between scientific soundness and societal acceptance. To accept race-as-proxy, then, may be necessary but insufficient to solidify the future of race-based pharmacogenomics.</ref>

<ref name="conservation">{{harvnb|Haig|Beever|Chambers|Draheim|2006}}</ref>

<ref name="cravens">{{harvnb|Cravens|2010}}</ref>

<ref name="Cravens; Angier; et al.">See:
* {{harvnb|Cravens|2010}}
* {{harvnb|Angier|2000}}
* {{harvnb|Amundson|2005}}
* {{harvnb|Reardon|2005}}
</ref>

<ref name="currell">{{harvnb|Currell|Cogdell|2006}}</ref>

<ref name="Dawkins & Wong">{{cite book |title=The Ancestor's Tale: A Pilgrimage to the Dawn of Evolution |last1=Dawkins |first1=Richard |author1-link=Richard Dawkins |last2=Wong |first2=Yan |date=2005 |publisher=[[Houghton Mifflin Harcourt]] |isbn=978-0-61-861916-0 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/ancestorstale00rich_0/page/406 406]–407 |url=https://archive.org/details/ancestorstale00rich_0 |url-access=registration |quote=(Summarizing Edwards' thesis): We can all happily agree that human racial classification is of no social value and is positively destructive of social and human relations. That is one reason why I object to ticking boxes on forms and why I object to positive discrimination in job selection. But that doesn't mean that race is of 'virtually no genetic or taxonomic significance.' This is Edwards's point, and he reasons as follows. However small the racial partition of total variation may be, if such racial characteristics as there are highly correlated with other racial characteristics, they are by definition informative, and therefore of taxonomic significance.}}</ref>

<ref name=Hunt1863_3>{{cite journal |last=Hunt |first=James |date=24 February 1863 |title=Introductory address on the study of Anthropology |journal=The Anthropological Review |volume=1 |page=3 |quote=...&nbsp;we should always remember, that by whatever means the Negro, for instance, acquired his present physical, mental and moral character, whether he has risen from an ape or descended from a perfect man, we still know that the Races of Europe have now much in their mental and moral nature which the races of Africa have not got. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pzYpAQAAIAAJ}}</ref>

<ref name=Desmond09_332>{{harvnb|Desmond|Moore|2009|pages=332–341}}</ref>

<ref name="ehrlich">{{harvnb|Ehrlich|Holm|1964}}</ref>

<ref name="edwards">{{harvnb|Edwards|2003}}</ref>

<ref name="encyclopedia">Kaplan, Jonathan Michael (January 2011) {{"'}}Race': What Biology Can Tell Us about a Social Construct". In: ''Encyclopedia of Life Sciences'' (ELS). John Wiley & Sons, Ltd: Chichester</ref>

<ref name="evolutionary">{{cite journal |last1=Weiss |first1=K. M. |last2=Fullerton |first2=S. M. |date=2005 |title=Racing around, getting nowhere |journal=Evolutionary Anthropology |volume=14 |issue=5 |pages=165–169 |doi=10.1002/evan.20079 |s2cid=84927946}}</ref>

<ref name="FORA.tv 2008">{{cite web |url=http://fora.tv/2008/07/30/New_Ideas_New_Fuels_Craig_Venter_at_the_Oxonian#chapter_17 |title=New Ideas, New Fuels: Craig Venter at the Oxonian |publisher=FORA.tv |date=3 November 2008 |access-date=18 April 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090122071534/http://fora.tv/2008/07/30/New_Ideas_New_Fuels_Craig_Venter_at_the_Oxonian#chapter_17 |archive-date=22 January 2009 |url-status=dead}}</ref>

<ref name="Fullwiley2011DNA">{{harvnb|Fullwiley|2011}}</ref>

<ref name="Gill; Armelagos; et al.">See:
* {{harvnb|Gill|2000a}}
* {{harvnb|Armelagos|Smay|2000}}
* {{harvnb|Risch|Burchard|Ziv|Tang|2002}}
* {{harvnb|Bloche|2004}}
</ref>

<ref name="gitschier">{{harvnb|Gitschier|2005}}</ref>

<ref name="Gordon 1964">{{harvnb|Gordon|1964|p={{Page needed|date=August 2010}}}}</ref>

<ref name="Graves 2001">{{harvnb|Graves|2001|p={{page needed|date=September 2015}}}}</ref>

<ref name="Graves 2001 p. 39">{{harvnb|Graves|2001|page=39}}</ref>

<ref name="Graves 2001 pp. 43–43">{{harvnb|Graves|2001|pages=42–43}}</ref>

<ref name="Graves 2011">{{harvnb|Graves|2011}}</ref>

<ref name="Harpending; et al.">See:
* {{harvnb|Cavalli-Sforza|Menozzi|Piazza|1994}}
* {{harvnb|Bamshad|Wooding|Salisbury|Stephens|2004|page=599}}
* {{harvnb|Tang|Quertermous|Rodriguez|Kardia|2005}}
* {{harvnb|Rosenberg|Mahajan|Ramachandran|Zhao|2005}}: "If enough markers are used&nbsp;... individuals can be partitioned into genetic clusters that match major geographic subdivisions of the globe."
</ref>

<ref name="Harpending2006AnthropologicalGenetics">{{harvnb|Harpending|2006|p=458 "On the other hand, information about the race of patients will be useless as soon as we discover and can type cheaply the underlying genes that are responsible for the associations. Can races be enumerated in any unambiguous way? Of course not, and this is well known not only to scientists but also to anyone on the street."}}</ref>

<ref name="Harris 1980">{{harvnb|Harris|1980}}</ref>

<ref name="hhs">{{cite web |url=http://minorityhealth.hhs.gov/templates/browse.aspx?lvl=1&lvlID=7 |title=Office of Minority Health |publisher=Minorityhealth.hhs.gov |date=16 August 2011 |access-date=30 December 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130118084108/http://minorityhealth.hhs.gov/templates/browse.aspx?lvl=1&lvlID=7 |archive-date=18 January 2013}}</ref>

<ref name="Kahn 2011">{{harvnb|Kahn|2011|p=132}}. "For example, what are we to make of the fact that African Americans suffer from disproportionately high rates of hypertension, but Africans in Nigeria have among the world's lowest rates of hypertension, far lower than the overwhelmingly white population of Germany? Genetics certainly plays a role in hypertension. But any role it plays in explaining such differences must surely be vanishingly small." Citing: {{cite journal |first1=Richard |last1=Cooper |last2=Wolf-Maier |first2=Katharina |last3=Luke |first3=Amy |last4=Adeyemo |first4=Adebowale |last5=Banegas |first5=José R. |last6=Forrester |first6=Terrence |last7=Giampaoli |first7=Simona |last8=Joffres |first8=Michel |last9=Kastarinen |first9=Mika |last10=Primatesta |first10=Paola |last11=Stegmayr |first11=Birgitta |last12=Thamm |first12=Michael |title=An International Comparative Study of Blood Pressure in Populations of European vs. African Descent |journal=[[BMC Medicine]] |volume=3 |date=5 January 2005 |issue=2 |page=2 |doi=10.1186/1741-7015-3-2 |pmid=15629061 |pmc=545060 |doi-access=free }}</ref>

<ref name="Keita; Templeton; Long">See:
* {{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|Royal|Bonney|2004}}
* {{harvnb|Templeton|1998}}
* {{harvnb|Long|Kittles|2003}}
</ref>

<ref name="Keita; Templeton">See:
* {{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|Royal|Bonney|2004}}
* {{harvnb|Templeton|1998}}
</ref>

<ref name="Keita1">{{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|Royal|Bonney|2004}}. "Religious, cultural, social, national, ethnic, linguistic, genetic, geographical and anatomical groups have been and sometimes still are called 'races'"</ref>

<ref name="Keita2">{{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|Royal|Bonney|2004}}. "Modern human biological variation is not structured into phylogenetic subspecies ('races'), nor are the taxa of the standard anthropological 'racial' classifications breeding populations. The 'racial taxa' do not meet the phylogenetic criteria. 'Race' denotes socially constructed units as a function of the incorrect usage of the term."</ref>

<ref name="Keita3">{{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|Royal|Bonney|2004}}. "Many terms requiring definition for use describe demographic population groups better than the term 'race' because they invite examination of the criteria for classification."</ref>

<ref name="Keita2004">{{harvnb|Keita|Kittles|Royal|Bonney|2004}}</ref>

<ref name="Kennedy">{{harvnb|Kennedy|1995}}</ref>

<ref name="King 2007">{{harvnb|King|2007}}: For example, "the association of blacks with poverty and welfare&nbsp;... is due, not to race per se, but to the link that race has with poverty and its associated disadvantages". p. 75.</ref>

<ref name="Lee 1997, citing M&A">{{harvnb|Lee|1997}} citing {{harvnb|Morgan|1975}} and {{harvnb|Appiah|1992}}</ref>

<ref name="Lee, Mountain, et al.">{{harvnb|Lee|Mountain|Koenig|Altman|2008}}</ref>

<ref name="Lee, Mountain; et al. 2008">{{harvnb|Lee|Mountain|Koenig|Altman|2008}}: "We caution against making the naive leap to a genetic explanation for group differences in complex traits, especially for human behavioral traits such as IQ scores"</ref>

<ref name="Lewis; Dikötter">''For examples see:''
* {{harvnb|Lewis|1990}}
* {{harvnb|Dikötter|1992}}
</ref>

<ref name="Lie; Thompson; et al.">See:
* {{harvnb|Lie|2004}}
* {{harvnb|Thompson|Hickey|2005}}
* {{harvnb|Gordon|1964|p={{Page needed|date=August 2010}}}}
* {{harvnb|AAA|1998}}
* {{harvnb|Palmié|2007}}
* {{harvnb|Mevorach|2007}}
* {{harvnb|Segal|1991}}
* {{harvnb|Bindon|2005}}
</ref>

<ref name="lieberman">{{harvnb|Lieberman|Kirk|1997|page=195}}</ref>

<ref name="Lieberman 1995">{{harvnb|Lieberman|Jackson|1995}}</ref>

<ref name="Lieberman 2001">{{harvnb|Lieberman|2001}}</ref>

<ref name="Lieberman, Kirk, et al. 2003">{{cite journal |last1=Lieberman |first1=Leonard |last2=Kirk |first2=Rodney C. |last3=Littlefield |first3=Alice |title=Perishing Paradigm: Race 1931–1999 |url=https://archive.org/details/sim_american-anthropologist_2003-03_105_1/page/110 |journal=[[American Anthropologist]] |volume=105 |pages=110–113 |date=2003 |doi=10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.110 |issue=1}}<br />An article in the same issue questions the precise rate of decline, but from their opposing perspective agrees that the Negroid/&thinsp;Caucasoid/&thinsp;Mongoloid paradigm has fallen into near-total disfavor.<br />^ {{cite journal |last1=Cartmill |first1=Matt |last2=Brown |first2=Kaye |title=Surveying the Race Concept: A Reply to Lieberman, Kirk, and Littlefield |url=https://archive.org/details/sim_american-anthropologist_2003-03_105_1/page/114 |journal=[[American Anthropologist]] |volume=105 |pages=114–115 |date=2003 |doi=10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.114 |issue=1}}</ref>

<ref name="Livingstone">{{harvnb|Livingstone|Dobzhansky|1962}}</ref>

<ref name="Marks 1995">{{harvnb|Marks|1995}}</ref>

<ref name="Marks 2002">{{harvnb|Marks|2002}}</ref>

<ref name="Marks 2008">{{harvnb|Marks|2008|page=28}}</ref>

<ref name="Marks; Montagu">See:
* {{harvnb|Marks|2002}}
* {{harvnb|Montagu|1941}}
* {{harvnb|Montagu|1997}}
</ref>

<ref name="meltzer">{{harvnb|Meltzer|1993}}</ref>

<ref name="molnar">{{harvnb|Molnar|1992}}</ref>

<ref name="mountain">{{harvnb|Mountain|Risch|2004}}</ref>

<ref name="montagu">See:
* {{harvnb|Montagu|1962}}
* {{harvnb|Bamshad|Olson|2003}}
</ref>

<ref name="Morgan; Smedley; et al.">See:
* {{harvnb|Morgan|1975}} as cited in {{harvnb|Lee|1997|page=407}}
* {{harvnb|Smedley|2007}}
* {{harvnb|Sivanandan|1982}}
* {{harvnb|Crenshaw|1988}}
* {{harvnb|Conley|2007}}
* {{harvnb|Winfield|2007}}: "It was [[Aristotle]] who first arranged all animals into a single, graded scale that placed humans at the top as the most perfect iteration. By the late 19th century, the idea that inequality was the basis of [[Natural order (philosophy)|natural order]], known as the ''[[great chain of being]]'', was part of the common [[lexicon]]."
</ref>

<ref name="nih">{{cite web |url=http://grants1.nih.gov/grants/guide/pa-files/PA-03-057.html |title=Social and Demographic Studies of Rance and Ethnicity in the United States |date=16 January 2003 |id=PA-03-057 |work=Grants1.NIH.gov |publisher=[[US National Institutes of Health]] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141109174622/http://grants1.nih.gov/grants/guide/pa-files/PA-03-057.html |archive-date=9 November 2014}} Program announcement and request for grant applications (through 1 February 2006).</ref>

<ref name="nih10">{{cite journal |last1=Lieberman |first1=L. |last2=Kaszycka |first2=K. A. |last3=Martinez Fuentes |first3=A. J. |last4=Yablonsky |first4=L. |last5=Kirk |first5=R. C. |last6=Strkalj |first6=G. |last7=Wang |first7=Q. |last8=Sun |first8=L. |volume=28 |issue=2 |title=The race concept in six regions: variation without consensus |date=December 2004 |journal=Collegium Antropologicum |pages=907–921 |pmid=15666627 |url=http://hrcak.srce.hr/5624}}</ref>

<ref name="nobles">{{harvnb|Nobles|2000}}</ref>

<ref name="OMB 1997">{{Cite web |url=https://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/fedreg/1997standards.html |title=Revisions to the Standards for the Classification of Federal Data on Race and Ethnicity |access-date=19 March 2009 |publisher=[[Office of Management and Budget]] |date=30 October 1997 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090315191301/https://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/fedreg/1997standards.html |archive-date=15 March 2009}} Also: [https://www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/compraceho.html U.S. Census Bureau Guidance on the Presentation and Comparison of Race and Hispanic Origin Data] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190408080244/https://www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/compraceho.html |date=8 April 2019}} and [https://www.census.gov B03002. Hispanic or Latino Origin by Race. 2007 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/19961227012639/https://www.census.gov/ |date=27 December 1996}}</ref>

<ref name="operationalization">{{cite journal |title=The conceptualization and operationalization of race and ethnicity by health services researchers |first=Susan |last=Moscou |journal=Nursing Inquiry |volume=15 |issue=2 |pages=94–105 |date=June 2008|doi=10.1111/j.1440-1800.2008.00413.x |pmid=18476852 }}</ref>

<ref name="ousley2009">{{harvnb|Ousley|Jantz|Freid|2009}}</ref>

<ref name="owens">{{harvnb|Owens|King|1999}}</ref>

<ref name="Pigliucci 2013">{{harvnb|Pigliucci|2013}}</ref>

<ref name="presentation">{{cite journal |title=The presentation of human biological diversity in sport and exercise science textbooks: The example of 'race' |first=Christopher J. |last=Hallinan |journal=Journal of Sport Behavior |date=March 1994}}</ref>

<ref name="presentations2005">{{cite web |last=Bindon |first=Jim |publisher=University of Alabama |url=http://www.as.ua.edu/ant/bindon/ant275/presentations/POST_WWII.PDF#search=%22stanley%20marion%20garn%22 |title=Post World War II |date=2005 |access-date=28 August 2006 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060830182824/http://www.as.ua.edu/ant/bindon/ant275/presentations/POST_WWII.PDF |archive-date=30 August 2006}}</ref>

<ref name="project">{{harvnb|Human Genome Project|2003}}</ref>

<ref name="profiling">{{cite journal |first=Robert S. |last=Schwartz |title=Racial Profiling in Medical Research |journal=The New England Journal of Medicine |volume=344 |issue=18 |date=3 May 2001|pages=1392–1393 |doi=10.1056/NEJM200105033441810 |pmid=11333999}}</ref>

<ref name="reconstructing">{{cite journal |title=Reconstructing Race in Science and Society: Biology Textbooks, 1952–2002 |first=Ann |last=Morning |journal=American Journal of Sociology |date=2008 |volume=114 |issue=114 Suppl |pages=S106–S137|doi=10.1086/592206 |s2cid=13552528 }}</ref>

<ref name="REGWG">{{cite journal |author=((Race, Ethnicity, and Genetics Working Group)) |title=The Use of Racial, Ethnic, and Ancestral Categories in Human Genetics Research |journal=American Journal of Human Genetics |date=October 2005 |volume=77 |issue=4 |pages=519–532 |pmid=16175499 |doi=10.1086/491747 |pmc=1275602}}</ref>

<ref name="Rivara, Finberg 2001">{{cite journal |first1=Frederick P. |last1=Rivara |first2=Laurence |last2=Finberg |date=2001 |title=Use of the Terms Race and Ethnicity |journal=[[Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine]] |volume=155 |issue=2 |page=119 |doi=10.1001/archpedi.155.2.119 |pmid=11177083 |quote=In future issues of the ''Archives'', we ask authors to not use race and ethnicity when there is no biological, scientific, or sociological reason for doing so. Race or ethnicity should not be used as explanatory variables, when the underlying constructs are variables that can, and should, be measured directly (eg, educational level of subjects, household income of the families, single vs 2-parent households, employment of parents, owning vs renting one's home, and other measures of socioeconomic status). In contrast, the recent attention on decreasing health disparities uses race and ethnicity not as explanatory variables but as ways of examining the underlying sociocultural reasons for these disparities and appropriately targeting attention and resources on children and adolescents with poorer health. In select issues and questions such as these, use of race and ethnicity is appropriate.}}</ref>

<ref name="Risch 2002">{{harvnb|Risch|Burchard|Ziv|Tang|2002}}</ref>

<ref name="Sauer 1992">{{harvnb|Sauer|1992}}</ref>

<ref name="schaefer">{{harvnb|Schaefer|2008}}: "In many parts of Latin America, racial groupings are based less on the biological physical features and more on an intersection between physical features and social features such as economic class, dress, education, and context. Thus, a more fluid treatment allows for the construction of race as an achieved status rather than an ascribed status as is the case in the United States."</ref>

<ref name="Sesardic 2010">{{harvnb|Sesardic|2010}}</ref>

<ref name="sivanandan">See:
* {{harvnb|Sivanandan|1982}}
* {{harvnb|Muffoletto|2003}}
* {{harvnb|McNeilly|Anderson|Armstead|Clark|1996}}: Psychiatric instrument called the "Perceived Racism Scale" "provides a measure of the frequency of exposure to many manifestations of racism&nbsp;... including individual and institutional"; also assesses motional and behavioral coping responses to racism.
* {{harvnb|Miles|2000}}</ref>

<ref name="Smedley 1999">{{harvnb|Smedley|1999}}</ref>

<ref name="Smedley; Boas">See:
* {{harvnb|Smedley|2002}}
* {{harvnb|Boas|1912}}
</ref>

<ref name="stocking">{{harvnb|Stocking|1968|pages=38–40}}</ref>

<ref name="Štrkalj 2007">{{cite journal |last=Štrkalj |first=Goran |title=The Status of the Race Concept in Contemporary Biological Anthropology: A Review |url=http://www.krepublishers.com%2F02-Journals%2FT-Anth%2FAnth-09-0-000-000-2007-Web%2FAnth-09-1-000-000-2007-Abst-PDF%2FAnth-09-1-073-078-2007-422-%2520%258Atrkalj-G%2FAnth-09-1-073-078-2007-422-%2520%258Atrkalj-G-Tt.pdf |journal=[[The Anthropologist]] |date=2007 |volume=9 |pages=73–78 |doi=10.1080/09720073.2007.11890983 |s2cid=13690181}}</ref>

<ref name="takaki">{{harvnb|Takaki|1993}}</ref>

<ref name="Templeton 1998">{{harvnb|Templeton|1998}}</ref>

<ref name="todorov">{{harvnb|Todorov|1993}}</ref>

<ref name="weiss">{{harvnb|Weiss|2005}}</ref>

<ref name="willing">{{harvnb|Willing|2005}}</ref>

<ref name="wilson">{{harvnb|Wilson|Brown|1953}}</ref>

<ref name="Witherspoon, et al. 2007">{{harvnb|Witherspoon|Wooding|Rogers|Marchani|2007}}</ref>

<ref name="Witzig">{{harvnb|Witzig|1996}}</ref>

<ref name="Wright 1978">{{harvnb|Wright|1978}}</ref>

}}

== Bibliography ==
<!-- GenomeRes14 p1679 from [[Human genetic variation]] [[Race and genetics]] -->
{{refbegin|30em}}
<!--Abraham, Carolyn 2009-->
* {{cite news |title=Molecular eyewitness: DNA gets a human face |first=Carolyn |last=Abraham |url=http://m.theglobeandmail.com/life/molecular-eyewitness-dna-gets-a-human-face/article888804/?service=mobile&template=shareEmail&tabInside_tab=0&page=1 |newspaper=The Globe and Mail |date=7 April 2009 |access-date=4 February 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110717002110/http://m.theglobeandmail.com/life/molecular-eyewitness-dna-gets-a-human-face/article888804/?service=mobile&template=shareEmail&tabInside_tab=0&page=1 |archive-date=17 July 2011 |url-status=dead}}
<!-- AAA 1998-->
* {{Cite web |url=http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm |title=American Anthropological Association Statement on 'Race' |work=AAAnet.org |publisher=[[American Anthropological Association]] |date=17 May 1998 |access-date=18 April 2009 |ref={{harvid|AAA|1998}}}}<!--Use same technique with AAPA below-->
<!-- AAPA 1996-->
* {{cite journal |doi=10.1002/ajpa.1331010408 |publisher=[[American Association of Physical Anthropologists]] |date=1996 |title=AAPA statement on biological aspects of race |journal=[[American Journal of Physical Anthropology]] |volume=101 |issue=4 |pages=569–570 |url=http://www.virginia.edu/woodson/courses/aas102%20%28spring%2001%29/articles/AAPA_race.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20040723195029/http://www.virginia.edu/woodson/courses/aas102%20(spring%2001)/articles/AAPA_race.pdf |archive-date=23 July 2004 |url-status=dead |ref={{harvid|AAPA|1996}}}}
<!--Alexander 2010-->
* {{cite book |last=Alexander |first=Michelle |title=The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness |location=New York |publisher=The New Press |date=2010}}
<!--Amundson 2005-->
* {{cite book |last=Amundson |first=Ron |title=Quality of life and human difference: genetic testing, health care, and disability |date=2005 |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |isbn=9780521832014 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/qualityoflifehum00davi/page/101 101–124] |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9PvWVZIzoTIC&pg=PA107 |editor-first1=David T. |editor-last1=Wasserman |editor-first2=Robert Samuel |editor-last2=Wachbroit |editor-first3=Jerome Edmund |editor-last3=Bickenbach |chapter=Disability, Ideology, and Quality of Life: A Bias in Biomedical Ethics |url=https://archive.org/details/qualityoflifehum00davi/page/101}}
<!--Andreasen 2000-->
* {{cite journal |last=Andreasen |first=Robin O. |title=Race: Biological Reality or Social Construct? |journal=[[Philosophy of Science (journal)|Philosophy of Science]] |volume=67 |issue=Supplement |date=2000 |pages=S653–S666 |jstor=188702 |doi=10.1086/392853 |s2cid=144176104}}
<!--Angier Natalie 2000-->
* {{cite news |last=Angier |first=Natalie |title=Do Races Differ? Not Really, DNA Shows |url=https://www.nytimes.com/library/national/science/082200sci-genetics-race.html |access-date=9 August 2010 |newspaper=[[The New York Times]] |date=22 August 2000}}
<!--Appiah 1992-->
* {{cite book |title=In My Father's House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture |url=https://archive.org/details/inmyfathershouse00appi |url-access=registration |last=Appiah |first=Kwame Anthony |date=1992 |isbn=9780195068528 |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]}}
<!--Armelagos Smay 2000-->
* {{Cite journal |doi=10.1525/tran.2000.9.2.19 |first1=George |last1=Armelagos |first2=Diana |last2=Smay |title=Galileo wept: A critical assessment of the use of race in forensic anthropolopy |journal=Transforming Anthropology |date=2000 |volume=9 |issue=2 |pages=19–29 |s2cid=143942539 |url=http://www.anthropology.emory.edu/FACULTY/ANTGA/Web%20Site/PDFs/Galileo%20Wept-%20A%20Critical%20Assessment%20of%20the%20Use%20of%20Race%20in%20Forensic%20Anthropology.pdf |access-date=15 May 2010 |archive-date=18 August 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180818073338/http://www.anthropology.emory.edu/FACULTY/ANTGA/Web%20Site/PDFs/Galileo%20Wept-%20A%20Critical%20Assessment%20of%20the%20Use%20of%20Race%20in%20Forensic%20Anthropology.pdf |url-status=dead}}
<!--Bamshad Olson 2003-->
* {{cite magazine |last1=Bamshad |first1=Michael |last2=Olson |first2=Steve E. |url=http://schools.tdsb.on.ca/rhking/departments/science/bio/evol_pop_dyn/does_race_exist.pdf |title=Does Race Exist? |magazine=[[Scientific American]] |volume=289 |issue=6 |pages=78–85 |date=10 November 2003 |bibcode=2003SciAm.289f..78B |doi=10.1038/scientificamerican1203-78 |pmid=14631734 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070614110106/http://schools.tdsb.on.ca/rhking/departments/science/bio/evol_pop_dyn/does_race_exist.pdf |archive-date=14 June 2007 |url-status=dead}}
<!--Bamshad et al. 2004-->
* {{cite journal |last1=Bamshad |first1=M. |last2=Wooding |first2=S. |last3=Salisbury |first3=B. A. |last4=Stephens |first4=J. C. |title=Deconstructing the relationship between genetics and race |journal=Nature Reviews Genetics |volume=5 |issue=8 |pages=598–609 |date=August 2004 |pmid=15266342 |doi=10.1038/nrg1401 |s2cid=12378279}}
<!--Bamshad 2005 ??? -->
<!--Banton Michael 1977-->
* {{cite book |last=Banton |first=Michael |date=1977 |title=The idea of race |url=https://archive.org/details/ideaofrace0000bant |publisher=Westview Press |location=Boulder, Colorado |type=paperback |isbn=0891587195}}
<!--Barbujani 2005-->
* {{cite journal |last=Barbujani |first=Guido |title=Human Races: Classifying People vs Understanding Diversity |journal=Current Genomics |date=1 June 2005 |volume=6 |issue=4 |pages=215–226 |doi=10.2174/1389202054395973 |s2cid=18992187}}
<!--Bell 2009-->
* {{cite book |last=Bell |first=Mark |chapter='Race', Ethnicity, and Racism in Europe |chapter-url=http://fds.oup.com/www.oup.com/pdf/13/9780199297849_chapter1.pdf |title=Racism and Equality in the European Union |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |date=2009 |isbn=9780199297849 |doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297849.001.0001 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121202235619/http://fds.oup.com/www.oup.com/pdf/13/9780199297849_chapter1.pdf |archive-date=2 December 2012 |url-status=dead}}
<!--Black & Ferguson 2011-->
* {{cite book |last1=Black |first1=Sue |last2=Ferguson |first2=Elidh |date=2011 |title=Forensic Anthropology: 2000 to 2010 |publisher=[[Taylor & Francis]] |isbn=978-1-439-84588-2 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=306ruTniZmcC&pg=PA125}}
<!--Blank Dabady Citro 2004-->
* {{cite book |last1=Blank |first1=Rebecca M. |last2=Dabady |first2=Marilyn |last3=Citro |first3=Constance Forbes |author3-link=Constance F. Citro |series=National Research Council (U.S.) Panel on Methods for Assessing Discrimination |publisher=National Adademies Press |date=2004 |isbn=9780309091268 |page=317 |title=Measuring racial discrimination |chapter=Chapter 2}}
<!--Bloche 2004-->
* {{cite journal |doi=10.1056/NEJMp048271 |last=Bloche |first=Gregg M. |date=2004 |title=Race-Based Therapeutics |journal=New England Journal of Medicine |volume=351 |issue=20 |pages=2035–2037 |pmid=15533852 |s2cid=1467851}}
<!--Boas Franz 1912-->
* {{cite journal |doi=10.1525/aa.1912.14.3.02a00080 |last=Boas |first=Franz |date=1912 |title=Change in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants |journal=[[American Anthropologist]] |volume=14 |issue=3 |pages=530–562 |pmc=2986913}}
<!--Boyd William 1950-->
* {{cite book |last=Boyd |first=William C. |title=Genetics and the races of man: an introduction to modern physical anthropology |url=https://archive.org/details/geneticsracesofm00boyd |url-access=registration |date=1950 |publisher=Little, Brown and Company |page=[https://archive.org/details/geneticsracesofm00boyd/page/207 207] |location=Boston}}
<!--Brace C Loring; Montagu, Ashley 1965-->
* {{cite book |last1=Brace |first1=C. Loring |last2=Montagu |first2=Ashley |date=1965 |title=Man's Evolution: An Introduction to Physical Anthropology |location=New York |publisher=[[Macmillan (publisher)|Macmillan]]}}
<!--Brace C Loring 2000-->
* {{cite book |title=Evolution in an Anthropological View |last=Brace |first=C. Loring |date=2000 |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |isbn=978-0-7425-0263-5}}
<!--Brace C Loring 2000a-->
* {{cite web |last=Brace |first=C. Loring |date=2000a |url=https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/first/brace.html |title=Does Race Exist? An antagonist's perspective |work=[[Nova (American TV program)|Nova]] |publisher=[[PBS]] |access-date=11 October 2010}}
<!--Brace C Loring 2005-->
* {{cite book |last=Brace |first=C. Loring |date=2005 |title=Race is a four letter word |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=9780195173512}}
<!--Caspari 2003-->
* {{Cite journal |volume=105 |issue=1 |pages=65–76 |last=Caspari |first=Rachel |title=From types to populations: A century of race, physical anthropology, and the American Anthropological Association |url=https://archive.org/details/sim_american-anthropologist_2003-03_105_1/page/65 |journal=[[American Anthropologist]] |date=March 2003 |doi=10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.65 |hdl=2027.42/65890 |hdl-access=free}}
<!--Cavalli-Sforza Menozzi Piazza 2003-->
* {{cite book |last1=Cavalli-Sforza |first1=Luigi Luca |author-link1=Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza |last2=Menozzi |first2=Paolo |last3=Piazza |first3=Alberto |title=The History and Geography of Human Genes |date=1994 |publisher=[[Princeton University Press]] |isbn=978-0-691-08750-4}} [https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/books/00/08/20/reviews/000820.20ridleyt.html Lay summary] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220202080558/https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/books/00/08/20/reviews/000820.20ridleyt.html |date=2 February 2022}} (1 December 2013)
<!--Conley 2007-->
* {{cite book |last=Conley |first=D. |date=2007 |chapter=Being black, living in the red" |editor-first=P. S. |editor-last=Rothenberg |title=Race, Class, and Gender in the United States |edition=7th |pages=350–358 |location=New York |publisher=Worth Publishers}}
<!--Cravens Hamilton 2010-->
* {{cite journal |last=Cravens |first=Hamilton |date=2010 |title=What's New in Science and Race since the 1930s?: Anthropologists and Racial Essentialism |url=https://archive.org/details/sim_historian_summer-2010_72_2/page/299 |journal=The Historian |volume=72 |issue=2 |pages=299–320 |doi=10.1111/j.1540-6563.2010.00263.x |pmid=20726131 |s2cid=10378582}}
<!--Crenshaw 1988-->
* {{cite journal |doi=10.2307/1341398 |last=Crenshaw |first=K. W. |name-list-style=vanc |date=1988 |title=Race, reform, and retrenchment: Transformation and legitimation in antidiscrimination law |journal=[[Harvard Law Review]] |volume=101 |issue=7 |pages=1331–1337 |jstor=1341398 |url=https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3871&context=faculty_scholarship}}
<!--Currell, Cogdell 2006-->
* {{Cite book |last1=Currell |first1=Susan |first2=Christina |last2=Cogdell |title=Popular Eugenics: National Efficiency and American Mass Culture in The 1930s |publisher=[[Ohio University Press]] |date=2006 |location=Athens, Ohio |page=203 |isbn=082141691X}}
<!--Desmond Moore 2009-->
* {{citation |last1=Desmond |first1=Adrian |author-link1=Adrian Desmond |last2=Moore |first2=James |author-link2=James Moore (biographer) |title=Darwin's sacred cause: how a hatred of slavery shaped Darwin's views on human evolution |publisher=Allen Lane, Penguin Books |date=2009 |page=[https://archive.org/details/darwinssacredcau0000desm/page/484 484] |isbn=9781846140358 |url=https://archive.org/details/darwinssacredcau0000desm/page/484}}
<!--Dikötter 1992-->
* {{cite book |last=Dikötter |first=Frank |date=1992 |title=The discourse of race in modern China |publisher=Stanford University Press |isbn=9780804719940}}
<!--Edwards 2003-->
* {{cite journal |last=Edwards |first=A. W. F. |author-link=A. W. F. Edwards |title=Human genetic diversity: Lewontin's fallacy |journal=BioEssays |volume=25 |issue=8 |pages=798–801 |date=August 2003 |pmid=12879450 |doi=10.1002/bies.10315 |s2cid=17361449}}
<!--Ehrlich Paul; Holm Richard 1962 2003-->
* {{cite book |last1=Ehrlich |first1=Paul |last2=Holm |first2=Richard W. |chapter=A Biological View of Race |title=The Concept of Race |editor-first=Ashley |editor-last=Montagu |editor-link=Ashley Montagu |date=1964 |publisher=Collier Books |pages=153–179}}
<!--Fullwiley2011DNA-->
* {{cite book |last=Fullwiley |first=Duana |title=Race and the Genetic Revolution: Science, Myth, and Culture |editor1-last=Krimsky |editor1-first=Sheldon |editor2-last=Sloan |editor2-first=Kathleen |chapter=Chapter 6: Can DNA "Witness" Race? |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OVg4AAAAQBAJ |access-date=31 August 2013 |date=2011 |publisher=[[Columbia University Press]] |isbn=978-0-231-52769-9}}
<!--Gill 2000a-->
* {{Cite web |last=Gill |first=G. W. |url=https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/first/gill.html |title=Does Race Exist? A proponent's perspective |work=NOVA |publisher=[[PBS]] |date=2000a |access-date=18 April 2009}}
<!--Gitschier 2005-->
* {{cite journal |last=Gitschier |first=Jane |title=The Whole Side of It&nbsp;– An Interview with Neil Risch |date=2005 |journal=[[PLOS Genetics]] |volume=1 |issue=1 |page=e14 |doi=10.1371/journal.pgen.0010014 |pmid=17411332 |pmc=1183530 |doi-access=free}}
<!--Gordon 1964-->
* {{Cite book |last=Gordon |first=Milton Myron |title=Assimilation in American life: the role of race, religion, and national origins |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |date=1964 |isbn=978-0-19-500896-8 |url=https://archive.org/details/assimilationinam0000gord}}
<!--Graves 2001-->
* {{cite book |last=Graves |first=Joseph L. |author-link=Joseph L. Graves |title=The Emperor's New Clothes: Biological Theories of Race at the Millennium |url=https://archive.org/details/emperorsnewcloth00grav |url-access=registration |publisher=[[Rutgers University Press]] |date=2001 |isbn=9780813528472}}
<!--Graves 2011-->
* {{cite book |last=Graves |first=Joseph L. |author-link=Joseph L. Graves |title=Race and the Genetic Revolution: Science, Myth, and Culture |editor1-last=Krimsky |editor1-first=Sheldon |editor2-last=Sloan |editor2-first=Kathleen |chapter=Chapter 8: Evolutionary Versus Racial Medicine |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OVg4AAAAQBAJ |access-date=31 August 2013 |date=2011 |publisher=[[Columbia University Press]] |isbn=978-0-231-52769-9}}
<!--Haig et al. 2006-->
* {{cite journal |last1=Haig |first1=S. M. |last2=Beever |first2=E. A. |last3=Chambers |first3=S. M. |last4=Draheim |first4=H. M. |display-authors=etal |title=Taxonomic considerations in listing subspecies under the U.S. Endangered Species Act |journal=[[Conservation Biology (journal)|Conservation Biology]] |volume=20 |issue=6 |pages=1584–1594 |date=December 2006 |pmid=17181793 |doi=10.1111/j.1523-1739.2006.00530.x |bibcode=2006ConBi..20.1584H |s2cid=9745612 |url=https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/2579/}}
<!--Harpending2006AnthropologicalGenetics-->
* {{cite book |last=Harpending |first=Henry |title=Anthropological Genetics: Theory, Methods and Applications |editor-last=Crawford |editor-first=Michael |chapter=Chapter 16: Anthropological Genetics: Present and Future |date=2006 |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |isbn=978-0-521-54697-3}}
<!--Harris Marvin 1980-->
* {{cite book |last=Harris |first=Marvin |title=Patterns of race in the Americas |publisher=[[Greenwood Press]] |location=Westport, Connecticut |date=1980 |isbn=0313223599}}
<!--Human Genome Project 2003-->
* {{cite web |last=Human Genome Project |title=Human Genome Project Information: Minorities, Race, and Genomics |date=2003 |publisher=Human Genome Program, [[US Department of Energy]] |url=http://www.ornl.gov/sci/techresources/Human_Genome/elsi/minorities.shtml}}
<!--JKBidil-->
* {{cite book |last=Kahn |first=Jonathan |title=Race and the Genetic Revolution: Science, Myth, and Culture |editor-last1=Krimsky |editor-first1=Sheldon |editor-last2=Sloan |editor-first2=Kathleen |chapter=Chapter 7: Bidil and Racialized Medicine |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OVg4AAAAQBAJ |access-date=31 August 2013 |date=2011 |publisher=[[Columbia University Press]] |isbn=978-0-231-52769-9 |page=132}}
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* {{cite journal |doi=10.1016/j.ygeno.2010.07.004 |pmid=20643205 |volume=96 |issue=4 |pages=199–210 |last1=Xing |first1=Jinchuan |last2=Watkins |first2=W. Scott |last3=Shlien |first3=Adam |last4=Walker |first4=Erin| last5=Huff |first5=Chad D. |last6=Witherspoon |first6=David J. |last7=Zhang |first7=Yuhua |last8=Simonson |first8=Tatum S. |last9=Weiss |first9=Robert B. |last10=Schiffman |first10=Joshua D. |last11=Malkin |first11=David |last12=Woodward |first12=Scott R. |last13=Jorde |first13=Lynn B. |date=2010 |title=Toward a more uniform sampling of human genetic diversity: A survey of worldwide populations by high-density genotyping |journal=[[Genomics (journal)|Genomics]] |pmc=2945611 |issn=0888-7543 |ref={{harvid|Xing|et al.|2010}}}}
{{refend}}






[[Category:Race (human categorization)| ]]
[[Category:Anthropology]]
[[Category:Kinship and descent]]
[[Category:Social inequality]]